在調查資料的累積下，研究者可運用計量方法來進行以「比較問題」為目的之實證研究。在問題取向上除了針對特定主題進行跨年度的比較外，學者也關注不同國家或區域的比較研究，也可依理論設定，對特定標的從事比較問題設定。 本文的目的在於從方法論出發，探討從事計量研究時所應關切的比較問題邏輯。首先，作者說明比較研究的問題本質，並提出比較單元與分析單位異同時的不同研究架構;接著進一步討論在比較的架構下，如何運用適當計量模型設定方式，方能對於比較問題提出直..

In recent years, it is possible that researchers apply quantitative method to comparative inquiries by the accumulation of cross-sectional survey data. Accordingly, some political scientists start to explore and study comparative inquiries tested by pooled cross sectional data, sorted by the units such as time, countries and some specific subjects guided through theoretical postulates. This paper is concerned about the logic and application of quantitative research methodologically, especially in comparative inquir..

美國為因應後冷戰時期國際安全環境與威脅的改變，至 1996 年止已執行多次全面性的兵力結構檢討。然而，國會認為國防部僅考量維持現有規模與預算，而非依外在安全環境與威脅的改變來調整所需兵力結構。因此，國會為因應二十一世紀的威脅及確保美國國家安全利益，通過「1996 年軍力結構總檢法案」，要求國防部配合總統任期執行「四年期國防總檢」及將評估重點予以法制化。鑑於國內學術界對美國「四年期國防總檢」的論述均以報告內容為重點，故本文將從理性決策與戰略規劃面向，來評析美國..

In response to the changes of international security environment and threat in the post-Cold War era, the United States had conducted various comprehensive assessment of its force structure in 1990-1996 periods. However, the Congress pointed out the Department of Defense intended to realign the force structure just from the view of keeping forces size and defense budget and not from the changes of security environment and threat. In order to meet the threats and protect the U.S. national security interests in the twenty-first..

當代斯里蘭卡泰米爾民族運動的發展，並非僅是一種受到斯里蘭卡獨立後期政治、社會與經濟發展激化的現象，而係深植於斯里蘭卡泰米爾獨特的殖民歷史經驗、種姓社會結構與濕婆文化傳統脈絡之中;在這種發展脈絡之下，使得晚近斯里蘭卡泰米爾民族運動在追求「意拉姆」世俗性建國理想的過程中，不斷流露出令許多觀察者感到驚訝的濃厚宗教性色彩。透過聚焦於「濕婆信仰復興運動」與「種姓制度」對於當代斯里蘭卡泰米爾民族運動發展的影響，並通過「泰米爾意拉姆解放之虎」實際發展例證的考察，本文企圖追..

The recent development of the Tamil nationalism in Sri Lanka is not simply the results of political, social, and economic simmering in the post- independence era, but deeply rooted experiences of colonial history, caste system, and the Saivite culture unique to the Tamils. Such development has led to surprises among observes of such gross religious phenomenon throughout the Tamil nationalist pursuit of “Eelam” – the secular ideal of statehood. Focusing on the Saivite revivalism and the caste system as well a..

本文主要目的在分析東協國家對此一波「東亞區域」合作與整合的認知差異，以此分析此一波以東協為核心的東亞合作發展的前景。東亞區域經濟合作與整合是一個多元且複雜的過程，此一波的合作中，東協國家始終強調要扮演掌舵者的角色，並堅持各項以「東協加三」為基礎的合作都要在東協的組織架構中進行，希望對東亞區域的合作議程有實際的主導權。然而，在實踐上，東協國家之間的合作模式本來就較容易受外力的影響，面對中國、日本所提議不同版本的合作，東協成員之間有不同程度的吸引及排斥，也造成了..

The purpose of this paper is to examine perceived differences among the ASEAN countries toward East Asia regional cooperation and integration, and to analyze the prospect of recent regional cooperation with ASEAN members in the foremost position of such development. Regional economic cooperation and integration in East Asia is a diversified and complicated process. Since the beginning, ASEAN countries have been emphasizing on their principal role in leading the process. They want to play a dominant role in influencing the age..

本文主要在探討泰國金融改革過程中，國內主要行為者之間的制度性關係。受到 1997 年金融風暴的影響，民主黨(Democrat Party)的乃川 (Chuan Leekpai)政府接受國際貨幣基金(International Monetary Fund, IMF)的建議與援助，從國家長期發展的角度出發，採取了相關的結構性改革政策。但是，2001 年上台的塔克辛(Thaksin Shinawatra)政府卻採取凱恩斯主義為主的民粹政策，希望可以在短期內達到金融..

This paper explores the domestic institutional arrangements and relationships among key political and financial actors in the process of Thailand’s financial reform. Affected by the Asian 1997 financial crisis, the Chuan government adopted structural reform policies which were suggested by the IMF as a long-term solution. However, the Thaksin government which took office in 2001 adopted Keynesian and populist policies to stimulate economic growth and financial stability which focused on short term results. Whose policie..