美國在小布希與歐巴馬兩任政府主政時期，對馬來西亞的政策出現顯著差異。當前多數文獻以「雙邊─多邊」或「軍事─經濟」的兩組對照作為比較基礎，而本文在具體耙梳兩屆政府在美馬經貿與安全合作的政策異同之後，發現上述兩組對照分析模式有過於簡化之嫌，因此提出以外交取向的本質作為出發點，深入研究小布希與歐巴馬政府對馬政策的異同。以美馬反恐和南海議題上的合作為案例進行分析之後，本文發現小布希政府的對馬政策是功能取向的，因此著重對馬政策的工具性與利益界定，導致雙邊關係發展受限於..

Since the Obama administration initiated the “Rebalancing toward Asia” policy, development of US-Malaysia relationship has been one of the crucial topics. Many researchers have suggested that Obama’s policy toward Malaysia is more successful than that of Bush’s, and most works have followed the framework of “bilateralism vs. multilateralism” and “security- oriented vs. economy-oriented” to make a strategic comparison. This article examines such frameworks and argues that they ar..

國家安全戰略中的經濟安全層面關注之面向為掌握經濟資源管道，維持經濟繁榮與永續發展，進而保障經濟體系長期穩定成長與安全運作。韓國自 1990 年代末期啟動 FTA 戰略，作為主要的對外通商核心政策，希望透過積極參與經濟整合，提升國際地位。 本文由韓國構築 FTA 戰略之源起為背景，以韓國政府公報、官員回憶錄、美國國會之公開檔案、智庫之研究報告、國內外學者撰寫之重要期刊論文與專書以及主要媒體報導為參考素材，配合訪談參與韓美 FTA 談判之雙..

National security strategy on the economic level of concern focuses not only on controlling economic resources to maintain prosperity and sustainable development, but also ensures long-term and stable growth and safety operation in an economic system. South Korea has pushed forward the FTA strategy as its core foreign trade policy since the 1990s in order for participating in economic integration and enhancing its international status. This paper sets Korea’s FTA Strategy as the background and uses Korean gov..

受到中央集權歷史傳統之影響，法國地方建制乃是以「鞏固行政權」或 「代行行政權」為特色;即使歷經了兩波「去中央集權化」，法國的行政權優勢性依然扮演重要角色，且造成中央集權與「地方分權」並進之現象。在進入第五共和時期後，「強行政、弱立法」的制度特徵，以及隨著修憲而逐步建立的「體制大總統化」，更確認了法國總統在行政權運作當中的核心定位，並使「優勢行政權」成為論述法國政治發展的重點。 從憲政研究的角度來看，論者經常是以「總統化」闡述法國憲政運作..

This paper reinvestigates dominant executive power in France. Due to France’s historical background as a highly centralized state, local governments play a role in “consolidating” or “acting for” executive power. Even though France has encountered two waves of reforms of decentralization, executive power is still more dominant than legislative power, a characteristic of the Fifth Republic. Nevertheless, amendments to the constitution have placed the President at the center of the operations of ex..

Benjamin J. Cohen 和 Eric. Helleiner 對貨幣權力進行概念論述，但欠缺具體操作指標，學者趙文志依 Cohen 貨幣權力理論中的延遲權力與轉移權力，提出延遲權力中有中、美兩國外匯儲備量、國債發行規模的借貸能力，轉移權力以貿易占 GDP 比值的開放程度，共三項具體指標，指出美國開放度比中國低、但美元流動性與借貸能力高於中國，說明美國對中國有貨幣權力，但該文無法說明中國外匯存底和貿易開放程度都高於美國，但為何是美國擁有貨幣權力，顯然..

Although Benjamin J. Cohen and Eric Helleiner have developed narratives on Monetary Power, there is no clear operational definition of the term. Based on Cohen’s discussion of the power of delay and the power of transfer, Chou Wen-Chi came up with three criteria to measure Monetary Power: foreign reserve, outstanding national debt, and percentage of trade in GDP. Using these criteria, he pointed out that although the US is less trade- dependent, liquidity of US Dollar and borrowing ability of the US are both higher. Thu..

相對於泰國與馬來西亞，印尼是東南亞最早發展汽車業的國家，也有內需市場支撐，但是印尼並沒有像泰國成為亞洲的底特律，也沒有如馬來西亞建立起國家汽車品牌，而成為「有市場無技術」的「無科技工業化」。本文以政治經濟學領域中的「制度分析」途徑，就國家干預、政商關係、跨國產業分工等三個角度分析印尼汽車產業失靈的原因。受限於印尼政治經濟的結構因素，本文發現印尼汽車產業失靈的原因在於:在產業發展時期國家的干預政策沒有「學習」與「管理」市場;本土資本未建立產業所需相對的供應鏈，..

With respect to Thailand and Malaysia, Indonesia was first in Southeast Asia to develop a automotive industry, supported by the domestic market. But Indonesia did not become the “Detroit of Asia” as Thailand, or establish national brands as Malaysia. On the contrary, Indonesia is a “huge market without technology,” an “Industry Without Industrialization.” This paper adopts an institutionalist approach with three aspects – state intervention, government-business relations, a..