日本民主黨於 2009 年的眾議院選舉中擊敗執政的自由民主黨,黨魁鳩山由紀夫於 9 月 16 日成為日本首相。由於民主黨在參議院未過半,為了維持國會穩定運作,鳩山首相選擇與社會民主黨、國民新黨組成聯合內閣。 不過鳩山政權內部不斷出現閣員之間的對立,而鳩山首相始終無法處理這些政府決策過程之中所發生的混亂,學者與主要媒體多認為,發生混亂的原因是在於鳩山本人的領導能力不足。不過本論文認為,導致鳩山政權內部的混亂主因是民主黨建構的決策運作模式本..
Yukio Hatoyama, the chairman of the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ), succeeded to the Prime Minister of Japan on 16 September 2009 after DPJ won the 2009 Japanese general election. In the election, DPJ acquired 308 out of a total of 480 seats in the House of Representatives of Japan, while the Liberal Democratic Party(LDP), the former ruling party only acquired 119 seats. However, Hatoyama was thus forced to form a coalition government with the Social Democratic Party and the People’s New Party in response to a situatio..
韓國財閥如現代、三星、LG,目前已是全球知名企業。他們的崛起與韓國政府的強烈支持有重大關係:政府支持財閥,分擔其投資分險、給予寡、獨占市場控制;財閥則回報政府以提供就業機會、賺取外匯、促進經濟成長。然而在此光明表象下,韓國政府與財閥間也有為人詬病的陰暗關係:政府官員收受財閥政治獻金及其他種種 「政治規費」,財閥則被回報以財經措施上的優惠。而隨著政治民主化,政府遭受國民逐漸上升的監督,要求政府和財閥的透明關係,並控制富可敵國的財閥。然而財閥則因經濟自由化而日益壯大,不再受制於政府的管控。韓..
Korean conglomerates, or chaebols in Korean, such as Samsung, Hyundai, LG, are now familiar and global enterprises. However, the rising of chaebols was supported and often pushed by Korean government. For instance, government and chaebols shared investment risks and their aims to keep national market oligarchic or monopolistic, etc. Chaebols returned by creating employment opportunities, earning foreign exchanges, and driving economic development. But underneath the shining surface lies a dark and notorious side: for economic, financial, an..
2005 年 5 月和 6 月法國與荷蘭分別公投否決歐洲憲法後,制憲運動和歐洲統合頓時陷入危機,要等到 2007 年 1 月德國接任歐盟輪值主席國,同年 5 月法國總統大選結束後,歐盟 27 國領袖才在 6 月柏林高峰會上達成協議,召開政府間會議,10 月里斯本高峰會通過新約,然後於 12 月正式簽署。 2009 年 10 月 2 日愛爾蘭二次公投通過里斯本條約後,歐盟 27 國已完成里斯本條約的批准程序,僅待愛爾蘭、捷克、波蘭和德國將批准書存放至義大利外交..
The European integration as well as the EU Constitution-Building was in an impasse in the aftermath of the negative results of the French and Dutch referenda in mid 2005. It was not until the new German government under the leadership of Angela Merkel assumed the EU presidency in January 2007 and the French elected a new President in May of the same year that EU and its member states began working effectively to find a solution to put an end to this crisis. The Berlin European Council in June 2007 finally adopted the compromi..
本文以土耳其以外的三個行為者-美國、伊拉克、歐盟-作為解釋近年來土耳其政府與境內庫德族關係改變的主要因素。美國與伊拉克的衝突造成伊拉克境內庫德族處境艱難,卻造就伊拉克庫德族與美國政府站在同一陣線的機會,觸動到土耳其政府的敏感神經。相對於美國傳統的權力觀,歐盟對於其他國家的重塑力在土耳其與庫德族的關係演變中獲得了彰顯。在此錯綜複雜的多邊關係中,美國與伊拉克庫德族的共同利益以及歐盟與土耳其庫德族的共同利益交織出土耳其政府愈來愈有限的庫德族政策選項。 ..
This article looks into the changing relationship between the Turkish government and the Kurdish population within Turkey. In explaining changes in this relationship over the past twenty years, the roles of three external actors - the U.S., the Iraqi Kurds, and the EU - are brought into consideration. The Iraqi War prompted the U.S. government to have a cozy relationship with the Iraqi Kurds, a development that alarmed the Turkish government. In contrast with the conventional approach to power by the American government, the ..
2008 年 9 月,美國、玻利維亞及委內瑞拉三國爆發令周邊國家擔憂的嚴重外交衝突事件。這個緊張情勢雖然在三方決定自我克制的情況下,除了相互驅逐大使,情勢並未惡化,但三方何以採取如此克制的作為,是筆者欲在本文探討的議題。本文利用傑維斯(Robert Jervis)1976年書中所提出決策者的認知、對他國意向的解讀、敵意的高低等認知心理途徑的核心概念,檢視 2008 年美、玻、委三國外交衝突事件中,三方究竟本於何種的利益考量或計算,才做出相互克制以緩解衝突的決..
In September 2008, there was a serious diplomatic confrontation involving the United States, Bolivia, and Venezuela that alarmed other countries in the Western Hemisphere. The decision to exercise self-restraint on all sides meant that action was limited to the mutual expulsion of ambassadors and the crisis did not escalate. In this paper, the author studies why the three countries exercised such self-restraint. Robert Jervis’ core concepts of policymakers’ perceptions, the understanding of other countries’ ..
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