2005 年 5 月和 6 月法國與荷蘭分別公投否決歐洲憲法後，制憲運動和歐洲統合頓時陷入危機，要等到 2007 年 1 月德國接任歐盟輪值主席國，同年 5 月法國總統大選結束後，歐盟 27 國領袖才在 6 月柏林高峰會上達成協議，召開政府間會議，10 月里斯本高峰會通過新約，然後於 12 月正式簽署。 2009 年 10 月 2 日愛爾蘭二次公投通過里斯本條約後，歐盟 27 國已完成里斯本條約的批准程序，僅待愛爾蘭、捷克、波蘭和德國將批准書存放至義大利外交..

The European integration as well as the EU Constitution-Building was in an impasse in the aftermath of the negative results of the French and Dutch referenda in mid 2005. It was not until the new German government under the leadership of Angela Merkel assumed the EU presidency in January 2007 and the French elected a new President in May of the same year that EU and its member states began working effectively to find a solution to put an end to this crisis. The Berlin European Council in June 2007 finally adopted the compromi..

本文以土耳其以外的三個行為者-美國、伊拉克、歐盟-作為解釋近年來土耳其政府與境內庫德族關係改變的主要因素。美國與伊拉克的衝突造成伊拉克境內庫德族處境艱難，卻造就伊拉克庫德族與美國政府站在同一陣線的機會，觸動到土耳其政府的敏感神經。相對於美國傳統的權力觀，歐盟對於其他國家的重塑力在土耳其與庫德族的關係演變中獲得了彰顯。在此錯綜複雜的多邊關係中，美國與伊拉克庫德族的共同利益以及歐盟與土耳其庫德族的共同利益交織出土耳其政府愈來愈有限的庫德族政策選項。 ..

This article looks into the changing relationship between the Turkish government and the Kurdish population within Turkey. In explaining changes in this relationship over the past twenty years, the roles of three external actors - the U.S., the Iraqi Kurds, and the EU - are brought into consideration. The Iraqi War prompted the U.S. government to have a cozy relationship with the Iraqi Kurds, a development that alarmed the Turkish government. In contrast with the conventional approach to power by the American government, the ..

2008 年 9 月，美國、玻利維亞及委內瑞拉三國爆發令周邊國家擔憂的嚴重外交衝突事件。這個緊張情勢雖然在三方決定自我克制的情況下，除了相互驅逐大使，情勢並未惡化，但三方何以採取如此克制的作為，是筆者欲在本文探討的議題。本文利用傑維斯(Robert Jervis)1976年書中所提出決策者的認知、對他國意向的解讀、敵意的高低等認知心理途徑的核心概念，檢視 2008 年美、玻、委三國外交衝突事件中，三方究竟本於何種的利益考量或計算，才做出相互克制以緩解衝突的決..

In September 2008, there was a serious diplomatic confrontation involving the United States, Bolivia, and Venezuela that alarmed other countries in the Western Hemisphere. The decision to exercise self-restraint on all sides meant that action was limited to the mutual expulsion of ambassadors and the crisis did not escalate. In this paper, the author studies why the three countries exercised such self-restraint. Robert Jervis’ core concepts of policymakers’ perceptions, the understanding of other countries’ ..

行政改革是當前民主國家發展的趨勢，在追求績效、提升統治能力之際，行政改革有其必要性。日本以行政改革手段提升政治家的政策能力，特別是強化政治領導者首相的領導權作法，與 1980 年代以來進行政改革的國家相較，最為特殊且引人入勝。 對於日本行政改革的既有研究大致將焦點置於以下三點:一為從新自由主義的觀點，討論「小政府」的時代趨勢，二為中央省廳的大幅縮編以及衍生的效果與影響，三是討論首相輔佐機關的強化。然而卻少觸及強化政治家的政策能力，甚至是..

To build an efficient and active government, most democracies are practicing administration reform for their necessities and inevitabilities. Comparing with the democracies which reformed since 1980s, Japan is the most absorbing one that makes use of administration reform as a way of consolidation of prime minister's leadership. The current researches are focused on these three dimensions: first, the trend of “small government” from the neo-liberalism perspective; second, the effect of agencies redu..

德國地方政府的行政區域重劃源自十九世紀末，甚至更早以前，不過，實施的範圍有限，而且主要集中在工業發達的魯爾區(Ruhrgebiet)。一直到 1960 年代因為社會變遷、經濟蓬勃發展，機動性的提高，人民對地方政府的要求不斷提高，而地方政府卻因為規模太小、行政能力薄弱，難以滿足人民的需求。而另一方面，由於地方自治的實質內容減少，地方自治的意義不斷被質疑，於是為了強化地方政府的治理能力、提升地方政府的行政能力和效率以及落實地方自治的精神，德國各邦政府從 1960..

The territorial reform in Germany at the local government level began in the end of the 19th century or even earlier. But the scale and the scope of its implementation was very limited and happened in the majority of cases in the Ruhr area. During the 1960s, the social situation had changed greatly, the economy boomed, and the mobility increased; the demand of people for local government had gradually enhanced on the one hand, but the real substance of self-administration had evidently reduced, so that the meaning of self- ad..