在議會內閣制下，聯合政府內部的跨黨派委任關係帶來了代理問題，而許多學者也同意，政治制度是解決此一代理問題的重要關鍵。簡單的說，參與聯合政府的政黨 ，有充分的理由藉由不同的管理或者監督機制來避免可能的代理損失。本文首先針對聯合政府下代理問題的成因進行簡短討論，再透過相關的文獻回顧，檢視在共同治理的過程中，有哪些不同的制度可以被聯合政府內的政黨用來約束以及監督其執政夥伴的投機行為，以及這些制度的成效。最後，本文也針對此一文獻未來可能的發展方向，提出簡單的幾個建議。

While delegating policymaking power across party lines can create the principal-agent problem in multiparty governments, scholars widely acknowledge that political institutions are crucial in mitigating this issue. To avoid potential agency loss, parties in multiparty governments may employ various control mechanisms to keep tabs on their ruling partners. This paper begins by briefly discussing the causes of the delegation problem in multiparty governments. We then provide a systematic review of the current literature to demonstrate the ins..

本文提出雙重政商關係的理論架構以探討中國因素對臺灣媒體自我審查的影響力消長。本文主張:臺灣媒體實施外導型自我審查的程度，取決 於其跨海峽政商關係與在地政商關係的相對強度。針對旺中集團與三立集團的比較個案研究發現:當某臺灣媒體的跨海峽政商關係比在地政商關係更加強化時，該媒體便會採取或增加外導型自我審查;而當其在地政商關係比跨海峽政商關係更加強化時，則會減少或取消外導型自我審查。本研究結果有助於了解中國因素影響力消長的條件、補充現有研究對於媒體自我審查增減的解釋..

This article provides a theoretical framework of dual government-business relations to explore the rise and decline of China’s influence on Taiwanese media’s self-censorship. It argues that the extent to which a Taiwanese media firm conducts external-induced self-censorship under Beijing’s influence hinges on the relative strength between its local and cross-strait government- business relations. The comparative case study of the Want Want-China Times Media Group and the Sanlih E-Television Group indicates t..

二次世界大戰後，隨著全球事務的複雜化，跨國經濟活動、新科技與網路的發達，加遽了人與人之間的交流與互動，也使得國際間的相互依賴愈來愈加深與頻繁，從而大幅改變國際關係之面貌，致使國與國之間的界線也變得模糊。非政府組織的興起意味著傳統以「國家為國際事務主要成員」的觀點受到質疑與挑戰，當各國治理範疇逐步縮減時，非政府組織卻開始填補了政府在國際活動方面的空缺，在國際社會中快速擴張，因此，在進行國際援助時，若非政府組織與政府之間如能相互協力，應比其中任何一方單打獨鬥更能..

After World War II, with the complexity of international affairs, cross border economic activities, new technology and the internet contributed to the increase of human interaction. This also increases the interdependence between countries, as well as the changes in international relationships made the borders among countries more and more vague. The rise of Non- Government Organizations (NGOs) indicated that the concept of “nations as the main player in international affairs” is being challenged. NGOs gradually t..

就非政府組織的「運作規模」而言，可將其分為「國際」與「在地」的非政府組織。面對緬甸相關問題，儘管國際非政府組織擁有專業與資源上的優勢，卻也有無能為力之時，必須搭配在地非政府組織的力量，甚至形成合作關係，方能更有效率地完成任務。有鑑於在地非政府組織對緬甸的重要性，本文由長期遭受緬甸政府忽視的「少數民族偏鄉發展」議題切入，並以「湄他發展基金會」、「沙龍基金會」與「人民亮光」等從事「克欽族」援助起家的在地非政府組織為例，詳述在地非政府組織與緬甸克欽族的互動情形，及..

The “scale of operations” of non-governmental organizations can be divided into either “international” or “domestic.” When dealing with problems in Myanmar, although international non-governmental organizations may hold advantages due to their professionalism and available resources; however, there are still situations where they may feel helpless and will need to rely on the help of other domestic non-governmental organizations or even form a collaborative alliance with them to carry out t..

東南亞國家協會(東協)於 2009 年成立東協政府間人權委員會，一反其 40 年來對聯合國倡議成立區域人權機制之漠視。究竟東協為何成立區域人權機構?現有的文獻已從理性論和觀念論兩種研究途徑探討過，但其解釋 力各有不足。本文仍從理性論的觀點出發，但不同於文獻所強調的東協集體理性，本文強調個別會員國的理性，因為以往文獻在分析層次的選擇上採取了較宏觀的視角，但結果卻是無法完全解釋東權會的成立。本文仍採用理性論的研究途徑，但補充以較微觀的視角，主張東協成立東權會是東..

The ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights (AICHR)was created in 2009 by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations(ASEAN), a move contrary to its ignoring of the United Nations’ forty-year advocacy. Why did ASEAN member states create the AICHR? A review of the literature found two types of arguments: rationalist and ideationalist, but neither of them is satisfactory enough to explain why the AICHR was created. This article adopts a rationalist perspective with the emphasis on ASEAN member states’ indi..