本文研究政體類型與包括稅前和租稅補貼在內的能源補貼間的關係，並討論這種關係如何被通貨膨脹程度所制約。文中指出不同政權的生存邏輯和不同類型能源補貼的成本，是影響民主和威權政府能源補貼政策差異的重要因素。稅前補貼需要政府編列預算支應部分能源供應的成本，政府不易迴避。因為威權政體優先考量社會穩定，所以在稅前燃料補貼上的支出比民主政體來得多。租稅補貼是指刻意不對能源商品使用的外部性進行賦稅，處理外部性的重要性沒有滿足人民基本物資價格的穩定來得高，而且提供這些補貼的成本可以留給未來世代，所以兩種政..

This paper examines the relationship between regime type and energy subsidies, including pre-tax and tax subsidies, and discusses how these relationships are mediated by the degree of inflation. The paper suggests that the logic of political survival and the costs of energy subsidies are two of the main factors shaping energy subsidy policies. Pre-tax subsidies require the government to budget for part of the cost, which is not easy for the government to avoid. Since authoritarian regimes prioritize social stability, they spend more on pre-..

新冠肺炎從2020年的年初開始席捲全球，成為當代影響全球經濟和國際政治最重要的事件，而若以染疫人口占總人口數的比率來看，民主國家在防疫的表現上並未明顯優於非民主國家的這個事實，也引起了政治制度孰優孰劣的辯論。針對這個現象，本文試圖回答「為什麼民主國家的防疫表現沒有比非民主國家來得好」以及「在什麼情況之下民主制度所擁有的優勢才能夠在防疫的表現上展現出來」這兩個問題。關於第一個問題，本文認為，由於民主國家通常全球化的程度較高，使得其在疫情初期的防堵上失去先機，再加上民主國家受限於民主的制度與..

The COVID-19 pandemic that has been sweeping the world since the early 2020 is the most important contemporary political and economic event. The fact that democracies do not outperform non-democracies in fighting the pandemic (in terms of the confirmed case percentage to their total population) aroused the debate about which kind of the political institutions is the better one. The goal of this study aims to answer the two questions about “why democracies do not outperform non-democracies in fighting COVID-19” and “when th..

在2020年新冠肺炎的肆虐之下，多數國家都面臨了疫情的挑戰，無論乎是在每日激增的感染人數、死亡人數、以及因為疫情而無法負載的醫療能量。在這種嚴峻的挑戰下，許多觀察家與學者卻看到了威權體制的優勢。因為威權體制可以忽略人權的問題，迅速進行大規模的疫區封鎖，或是對民眾強行進行檢測以及限制人身自由，進而可以較為快速的控制疫情。在這之中，中國與新加坡就是全球防疫的佼佼者。反過來說，對於歐美的民主國家，因為其防疫速度與政府反應較為緩慢，也因為其民主自由的特性而限縮了對人身自由過多的限制，進而導致疫情..

 Most countries have suffered from the COVID-19 pandemic since 2020. The numbers of confirmed cases and casualties and the overloading medical systems are all visible issues and problems each country is dealing with on a daily basis. Many observers and experts argue that authoritarian countries seem to be more capable of defending the COVID-19 pandemic because they can ignore human rights and intervene aggressively into the society to implement anti-pandemic policy, which allows quicker response to the COVID-19 pandemic and better cont..

本文提出雙重政商關係的理論架構以探討中國因素對臺灣媒體自我審查的影響力消長。本文主張:臺灣媒體實施外導型自我審查的程度，取決 於其跨海峽政商關係與在地政商關係的相對強度。針對旺中集團與三立集團的比較個案研究發現:當某臺灣媒體的跨海峽政商關係比在地政商關係更加強化時，該媒體便會採取或增加外導型自我審查;而當其在地政商關係比跨海峽政商關係更加強化時，則會減少或取消外導型自我審查。本研究結果有助於了解中國因素影響力消長的條件、補充現有研究對於媒體自我審查增減的解釋..

This article provides a theoretical framework of dual government-business relations to explore the rise and decline of China’s influence on Taiwanese media’s self-censorship. It argues that the extent to which a Taiwanese media firm conducts external-induced self-censorship under Beijing’s influence hinges on the relative strength between its local and cross-strait government- business relations. The comparative case study of the Want Want-China Times Media Group and the Sanlih E-Television Group indicates t..

拉丁美洲許多國家在第三波民主化浪潮中歷經政體轉型，在比較政治學界中為一重要的研究課題。有別於既有文獻從總體層次、或是國際層次的因素來探討政體變遷，本論文主張跨國人權非政府組織網絡對於民主轉型具有重要的促進效果。本研究以拉丁美洲18個威權體制(1969∼1995) 的資料為基礎，運用量化方法對於上述主張進行系統性的驗證。本研究的實證分析顯示，在其他條件不變的情況下，一個威權國家若有愈密集的跨國人權非政府組織動員網絡，則該國愈有可能歷經民主轉型。綜合而言，本論文的創新之處在於透過嚴謹..

The regime change of many Latin American countries under the Third Wave of democratization has been a crucial topic in the field of comparative politics. Unlike previous literature that examines how democratic transition is shaped by macro-level or international-level factors, this study argues that transnational human rights NGOs networks play a significant factor in promoting democratic transition. Using data of 18 authoritarian regimes in Latin America between 1969 and 1995, the quantitative analysis demonstrates that a higher level of t..