本文的目的在於探討蜜月期選舉時程如何在半總統制下，對前三大政黨在國會選舉時的表現，產生不同於在總統制下所產生的影響。本文認為，由於總統制與半總統制的權力分立程度不同，所以導引出來的蜜月期選舉效應也就相異。根據既有文獻可知，在總統制下，因為權力完全分立，總統黨與第三黨在以具有比例性的選制所進行的蜜月期國會大選中會選得比較好，但本文認為這個效應無法類推到半總統制國家。在半總統制下，因為權力只有部分分立，國會大選是行政權選舉的第二階段，所以即便在蜜月期選舉時程中，..

This paper aims at exploring how semi-presidentialism differs from presidentialism in affecting electoral performance of three largest parties in honeymoon elections. This paper argues that different levels of power separation in presidentialism and semi-presidentialism explain why the effects of honeymoon elections vary. Many existent studies indicated that in presidential systems, with total power separation, the largest and the third largest parties would gain in honeymoon elections that used proportional electoral systems..

日本政府分別於 2001 年與 2009 年兩度改革預算制度，都是在內閣層級設立新的組織，移轉部分預算編列權限到內閣，希望透過改變編列預算的方式，來提高首相與內閣領導力，並解決各省廳的本位問題。前者是在內閣府設立經財政諮詢會議，後者則是分別在內閣官房與內閣府設立國家戰略室與行政刷新會議。儘管小泉內閣時期，透過經濟財政諮詢會議改革原有的預算編列方式，也成功地刪減財政支出，以及民主黨執政初期，行政刷新會議做出刪減預算的決定，國家戰略室也有設定降低財政赤字的目標，..

The Japanese government reformed its budget institutions and budget processes in 2001 and 2009, establishing the Council on Economic and Fiscal Policy(CEFP)in 2001, and the National Strategy Office(NSO)and the Government Revitalization Unit(GRU)in 2009. By moving the Ministry of Finance’s budget formulation authority to the Cabinet, it was expected that these new institutions would facilitate the prime minister’s leadership. However, despite institutional changes, the budget formulation processes and the existing ..

近年來層出不窮的天然巨災嚴重挑戰了國家的緊急災害治理能力，這也使得學界與政策社群開始高度關切國際災害治理或跨部門災害治理模式的研究。不過，相關知識生產方式大多以政策報告或技術報告呈現，較少側重於理論化的探討。就此，本文將以國際救災與減災社群的建構與協作過程為關懷，試圖理論化國際介入、國家回應與公民參與之間的協力連結，並且類型化國際、國家與地方行為者的共同治理模式。同時，藉由回顧東日本大地震的國際救災經驗，本文亦將進一步分析全球災害救援與減災網絡的機會與限制。..

Natural disastrous hazards occurred frequently in recent years, seriously challenging the state capacity of emergency governance. Accordingly, attention has been attracted to the study of disaster governance with specific focus on modalities of inter-state and inter-sectoral cooperation. Though there are piles of policy reports and technique reports concerning disaster governance, only few of them are with theoretical features. This article is aimed at theorizing the construction and collaboration of international relief and ..

在各種跨國公民社會的組織活動.跨國議題倡議網絡 ( transnational advocacy network, TAN )是近年來常見、且最為學界所知的組織形態。TAN乃源於民間，由民間人士基於主動的認知與共同的理念，結合各界力量所形成的跨國壓力團體。近年 TAN 作法推陳出新，且發展出有別與以往的跨國認證網絡。 跨國認詮網絡係指以標章為工具，將標章賦予道德規範的內涵，藉以推廣其理念的新型TAN。現有認證網絡者，涵蓋有機農業、公平貿易、森林保育、道德貿易等議題。本研究分析跨國..

The theory of transnational advocacy network, developed by Keck and Sikknink in 1998 has been one of the most in-depth and systematic concepts providing insights to the myths of transnational civil societies. The TAN theory depicts how the TAN, originated and led by civil groups, attracts supporters across border lines to collectively pressurize certain target government against improper policies or behaviours. The introduction of the TAN theory has been enormously influential within the transnational level of analysis in IR studies, formin..

地方立法權是代表地方人民行使意思表達的權力，亦是民主國家地方自治體的最核心權力。如何在府際合作中持續地方立法權的功能與職責，以落實地方自治，是本研究的問題意識。本研究以府際合作的地方立法權之角色為核心，首先，探討地方自治體中地方立法權的角色 ; 其次，審視府際合作中地方立法機關之定位 ; 最後，以日本的廣域行政制度為例，剖析地方立法權在其中所扮演之角色。

Local legislative power is the representative authority that executes the will of the local people and is the pivot of authority within the local government in democratic countries. How to maintain the functions and duties of the local legislature under the intergovernmental cooperation system, and thereby lead to the fulfillment of local self-government is the central problem of this paper. Focusing on the local legislative power under intergovernmental cooperation, this paper will explore the role of local legislative power in the local g..