WTO爭端解決機制一向被譽為皇冠上之珍珠，如今上訴機構陷入停擺危機，反而成為皇冠上之荊棘。過去數年來，美國運用WTO所要求之共識，屢次反對上訴機構成員之選任案，尤其是川普政府上台後更加強杯葛之力道。根據爭端解決規則暨程序瞭解書之規定，上訴案件最少由三名成員審理並作成裁決。然而2019年12月10日之後，上訴機構已無法正常運作。長期以來美國對上訴機構提出許多批評，包括系統性、實質性與程序性問題;反之，許多WTO會員則急於補實懸缺，而疏於處理美國關切之事項。根據爭端解決規則暨程序瞭解書第3...

The dispute settlement system, often considered as the “crown jewel” of the WTO, is in a present crisis and becomes the crown of thorns. Over the past years, the United States through the use of the WTO’s consensus requirements has successfully blocked the launch of a process to select the Appellate Body members. This is carried forward by the Trump administration. With a Settlement of Disputes Understanding (DSU) requirement that appeals be heard by three AB members, with the AB membership down to zero at the present time..

學界一般認為，冷戰結束後，隨著中國的快速崛起，包括越南在內的東亞小國對中國所採取的外交策略偏向「避險」或「接納」。文獻指出除了加強與中國的關係外，越南亦主動與各大國交好，並強調其要走著一個獨立、自主、多元且多方化的外交政策路線，此被視為越南對中國的「避險」策略。然而，本文認為有關越南對中國政策的分析較為單向，即大部分僅著重在越中關係本身的推拉力，而忽略了美國在其中的主動角色。 因此，無法說明越南對中政策近期的動態變化。本文的論點是，基於安全與國家利益的考量，..

The conventional wisdom assumes that East Asian countries have been adopting “hedging” or “accommodating” strategy toward China since the end of the Cold War. By putting forward an “independent, diversified and multidirectional foreign policy,” Vietnam has attempted to strengthen relations with a number of major powers, including China. As a result, Hanoi is regarded as a typical “hedger” towards Beijing. This paper, on the contrary, argues that the relating analyses on Vietnam&..

作為對資料導向研究的反思與補充，強調意義開發的厚資料研究途徑於2013年被提出，國內外的相關研究至今仍在探索階段。本文以中國研究中的政治經濟議題作為例子，展示如何以厚資料研究途徑突破與研究對象相關之數據失真的問題。本文主張有意義的數據資料使用是立基於相關行動者的辨認之上，研究者必須能夠釐清兩個問題:形成數據資料趨勢的相關行動者是誰，以及相關行動者的利益與行為動機結構為何。後者將促使研究者將行動者行為之所以產生的脈絡帶入分析中，以此瞭解人類從事該行為的意義。 ..

As a reflection and supplement to data-driven research, thick data was firstly proposed as a complementary method of using data to engage in mean- ing mining in 2013. Through the case of Chinese political economy, this ar- ticle demonstrates how the use of thick data enables researchers to overcome the problem of data distortion. It argues that meaningful use of data sources is based on the identification of actors. In order to do so, researchers are required to answer the following two questions: Who are the actors contribut..

本文為歐洲小國安全研究社群前後三年聚會期間的研究心得。藉由研究群成員挑選之歐盟小國在非傳統議題的功能性合作，分析歐盟架構下的治理模式，進而探究小國在非傳統安全議題如何透過跨國合作與有效治理機制以提升安全的能力:一是小國安全研究有何重要性?二是在多層級治理體系下，歐盟非傳統治理模式有何不同?三是面對複雜且多元的非傳統安全議題，小國要如何去善用自身的優勢，在歐盟大國之中合縱連橫，維持自身利益?  

This paper presents the main results of the “European Small States Security” to the research community. The Community in three years’ time analyzes the governance model under the EU framework from the perspective of small states functional cooperation in non-traditional security. These studies also explore how small states can enhance their security strategy and bolster capabilities through transnational cooperation and effective governance mechanisms, aiming to answer the following sub- questions: why small..

本文以「邊緣性」(marginality)的概念，詮釋小國愛沙尼亞(Estonia)的安全政策。「邊緣性」兼具地緣政治、認同、權力關係等多重意涵，適合用以探討小國的安全政策。從此觀點來看，位居邊緣位置的小國，不必然總是受制於中心或大國主導的秩序;由於前者本身是構成秩序的一部分，它也具有影響中心的可能性。後冷戰時期的愛沙尼亞，在外交與安全政策上可說由俄羅斯轉向西方。在這個置換中心的過程中，它一方面向新的中心(北約與歐盟)表達向心力，積極參與其主導的秩序，另一方..

This paper attempts to (re)interpret Estonia’s security policy by adopting the concept of “marginality,” an idea that bears such elements as geopolitics, identity, size and power relations, and is therefore suitable for studying small states’ security policies. A small state located at the margin is not necessarily constrained by or subjected to the great power at the center, because as a constituent part of the very relationship, the margin always has certain potential to exert influence on the center..