霸權擁有生產高附加價值與高科技商品的獨佔地位，加之次等國單方依賴霸權商品，塑成霸權使用非暴力的經濟脅迫（economic coercion）措施，施壓目標國，以達到「不戰而屈人之兵」的戰略、政治與經貿目標。鴉片戰爭前，清帝國多次採取「封關」等貿易脅迫措施，禁絕茶葉出口，迫使英國等互市外夷屈服讓步，強化清帝國的經濟脅迫習慣（habit）。國際關係與外交決策的觀點，多批判清政府決策菁英的自大無知，或是強調滿清政權的朝貢制度天朝思維，而少有省思，清政府採取「封關」脅迫措施的決策過程，以及造成清..

Hegemons possess a monopolistic position in producing high-value-addedand high-tech goods, coupled with the unilateral dependence of subordinate states on these products. This dynamic enables hegemons to employ non-violent economic coercion to pressure target states, achieving strategic, political, andeconomic objectives aligned with the principle of “winning without fighting”. Before the Opium War, the Qing Empire frequently adopted trade coercion measures, such as “closing borders”, to ban tea exports and force..

2010年中國漁船與日本海上保安廳巡邏船於釣魚臺相撞之後，中國向日本禁運稀土，此例成為經濟脅迫的一個顯著案例。2019年左右中國官方媒體又再次將稀土視為與美國貿易戰的武器，此使中國的稀土政策、稀土供應鏈的韌性重新成為人們關注的焦點。為了確定稀土用於經濟制裁或經濟脅迫時的有效性，我們有必要重新審視中國2010年對日本進行稀土禁運案例。本文重新審視了當時日本政府對於中國對日禁運稀土所採取的一連串政策回應，並檢視2010年後日本與稀土相關的經濟安全政策。此外，基於此案例，本文發展出評估單一國家..

China’s media has reported multiple times that the country could use its rare earth exports as a countermeasure against the United States since the Trump administration launched its trade war. President Biden has sought international cooperation to bolster supply chains and counter China’s economic coercion, and rare earth elements have been identified as the key resources in this campaign. To determine whether rare earth elements can be used effectively in economic sanctions, we must re-examine China’s 2010 embargo on rar..

日本於2000年實施長照制度，服務的提供幾乎以營利的私部門為主，公部門和非營利組織所占比例有限，形成「以私為主，以公為輔」的服務供給模式。然而，如是的改變能否發揮公私「相互支應」的功能？在公私版圖大移轉的情況下，公私部門之間的關係有何轉變，又產生哪些問題？這些都是本文所欲探究的問題。 研究發現，日本照護服務的供給確實發揮公私相互支應的功能，在政府全國一致的價格管制下，雖然供給主體也有所不同，但因藉由準公共機關來彌補吸脂效應所產生的缺失，故能使基本照護服務勉強取得平衡，現階段服務供..

Japan adopted the long-term care insurance in 2000, with the majority of the services provided by the private sector, and a limited proportion provided by the public sector and non-profit organizations. The services therefore is mainly provided by the private sector and supplemented by the public sector. However, would this change be able to facilitate mutual support among the public and private sector? What kind of relationship change and issues would occur under the public-private transition? These are the questions that would be discusse..

本研究探索造成《歐盟—越南自由貿易協定》（EUVFTA）和《歐盟—中國全面投資協定》（EU-China CAI）不同結果的影響因素。歐越自貿協定及歐中投資協定皆將永續發展及勞工權利等貿易永續願景納入歐盟貿易政策，亦即兩者皆為歐盟所謂的新世代經貿協定。然而在實務上，兩項協定命運卻有很大的差異。本研究透過現實主義、自由主義和社會建構主義三大國際關係主流理論，探索影響兩個協定發展的戰略、制度和意識形態因素。本文認為，儘管理念上的規範性力量有其重要性，但戰略夥伴關係、既存..

This thesis investigates the differing results of the EU-Vietnam Free Trade Agreement (EUVFTA) and the EU-China Comprehensive Agreement on Investment (CAI). Both agreements are designed to embed sustainability and labor rights within the EU’s trade policies. By applying realism, liberalism, and social constructivism, the study examines the strategic, institutional, and ideological elements that impact these agreements. It is posited that although normative power is essential, practical factors concerning strategic partnerships, instit..

中小型國家在當前國際體系下的數目眾多，這些國家有各自國家利益與偏好，因此理解這群國家的策略選擇可以更全面地了解國際關係發展。本文研究設計有以下幾個特色：第一，本文以歐洲的中小型國家為個案研究標的，擇立陶宛、匈牙利與土耳其三國進行分析，這三國分別位於當前東／西歐對立環境的最前沿，透過觀察這些國家可理解地緣斷層帶上中小型國家面對歐、俄強權競爭時的策略選擇。第二，由於中國近年不斷向歐洲拋射影響力，歐洲國家明顯感受到中國政策影響，歐洲的中小型國家傳統上面對歐／俄兩強環境已出現變化，由於中國不斷崛..

Small and medium-sized states constitute a substantial portion of the contemporary international system. These states possess distinct national interests and preferences; hence, examining their strategic choices provides a more nuanced understanding of the dynamics of international relations. This study is characterized by several key features. First, it focuses on European small and medium-sized states through the case studies of Lithuania, Hungary, and Turkey. These countries are situated on the geopolitical frontlines of the current East..