本文以2022年5月26日中國大陸外交部長王毅出訪太平洋島國期間欲 簽訂一份廣泛貿易安全協議為例，運用社會建構主義來看中國大陸《帶路 倡議》（The Belt and Road Initiative）的現階段政策效果。中國大陸在推 行外交政策時，認為互動有助於化解彼此的認知差異，並會轉化認同， 且互動過程也會有效增進雙方對彼此的理解度，進而建立共有知識群，這 過程會反映出中國大陸自我認同與價值觀。有鑑於此，本文一部分將探討 社會建構主義的發..

The visit by China’s Minister of Foreign Affairs, Wang Yi, to Pacific Island countries on May 26, 2022, during which he intended to sign a comprehensive trade security agreement, was investigated in this study. The present study applied social constructivism to examine the current policy effects of China’s Belt and Road Initiative. In implementing its foreign policy, China believes that interaction helps to resolve cognitive differences, transform identities, and effectively enhance mutual understanding, ..

我國於2024年1月，舉行了第16屆總統、副總統，以及第11屆立法委員的選舉。選舉結果，民進黨提名「賴蕭配」，以相對多數贏得總統，但民進黨在國會以一席之差落居第二大黨，由國民黨取得國會最大黨的地位。這個選舉結果出現了兩個爭議，其一是總統因三強鼎立，再次出現得票未過半的結果；其二是國會出現「矛盾多數」，國民黨無論是區域的黨籍立委或是不分區，得票都是落後給民進黨，卻在轉換為席次之後，成為國會第一大黨。由於總統應選名額只有一個，結果必然是贏者全拿，因此會有相對多數但不及於絕對多數的勝出，可能導..

Taiwan has held the 16th presidential and 11th legislative elections in January 2024. The election result saw Lai Ching-te winning the presidency with a plurality. However, the DPP lost the majority in the Legislative Yuan. This election result sparked two controversies: Firstly, the president was elected without an absolute majority due to the three-party competition; Secondly, the legislature experienced a “contradictory majority” situation, where the KMT, despite trailing behind the DPP in both regional and party list votes, ..

霸權擁有生產高附加價值與高科技商品的獨佔地位，加之次等國單方依賴霸權商品，塑成霸權使用非暴力的經濟脅迫（economic coercion）措施，施壓目標國，以達到「不戰而屈人之兵」的戰略、政治與經貿目標。鴉片戰爭前，清帝國多次採取「封關」等貿易脅迫措施，禁絕茶葉出口，迫使英國等互市外夷屈服讓步，強化清帝國的經濟脅迫習慣（habit）。國際關係與外交決策的觀點，多批判清政府決策菁英的自大無知，或是強調滿清政權的朝貢制度天朝思維，而少有省思，清政府採取「封關」脅迫措施的決策過程，以及造成清..

Hegemons possess a monopolistic position in producing high-value-addedand high-tech goods, coupled with the unilateral dependence of subordinate states on these products. This dynamic enables hegemons to employ non-violent economic coercion to pressure target states, achieving strategic, political, andeconomic objectives aligned with the principle of “winning without fighting”. Before the Opium War, the Qing Empire frequently adopted trade coercion measures, such as “closing borders”, to ban tea exports and force..

2010年中國漁船與日本海上保安廳巡邏船於釣魚臺相撞之後，中國向日本禁運稀土，此例成為經濟脅迫的一個顯著案例。2019年左右中國官方媒體又再次將稀土視為與美國貿易戰的武器，此使中國的稀土政策、稀土供應鏈的韌性重新成為人們關注的焦點。為了確定稀土用於經濟制裁或經濟脅迫時的有效性，我們有必要重新審視中國2010年對日本進行稀土禁運案例。本文重新審視了當時日本政府對於中國對日禁運稀土所採取的一連串政策回應，並檢視2010年後日本與稀土相關的經濟安全政策。此外，基於此案例，本文發展出評估單一國家..

China’s media has reported multiple times that the country could use its rare earth exports as a countermeasure against the United States since the Trump administration launched its trade war. President Biden has sought international cooperation to bolster supply chains and counter China’s economic coercion, and rare earth elements have been identified as the key resources in this campaign. To determine whether rare earth elements can be used effectively in economic sanctions, we must re-examine China’s 2010 embargo on rar..

日本於2000年實施長照制度，服務的提供幾乎以營利的私部門為主，公部門和非營利組織所占比例有限，形成「以私為主，以公為輔」的服務供給模式。然而，如是的改變能否發揮公私「相互支應」的功能？在公私版圖大移轉的情況下，公私部門之間的關係有何轉變，又產生哪些問題？這些都是本文所欲探究的問題。 研究發現，日本照護服務的供給確實發揮公私相互支應的功能，在政府全國一致的價格管制下，雖然供給主體也有所不同，但因藉由準公共機關來彌補吸脂效應所產生的缺失，故能使基本照護服務勉強取得平衡，現階段服務供..

Japan adopted the long-term care insurance in 2000, with the majority of the services provided by the private sector, and a limited proportion provided by the public sector and non-profit organizations. The services therefore is mainly provided by the private sector and supplemented by the public sector. However, would this change be able to facilitate mutual support among the public and private sector? What kind of relationship change and issues would occur under the public-private transition? These are the questions that would be discusse..