1970∼1990年代，政治心理學就已運用於國際關係研究，但2000年起的「情緒轉向」賦予「國際政治心理學」復興的意義與影響，包括學者之間不同觀點的辯論、議題研究的實務價值、國際心理學科際整合研究的發展趨勢與挑戰，以及此轉向對整體國關研究的影響等等，都展現「情緒轉向」正重新帶動國際政治心理學的新進展，遂成為觀察此新進展的關鍵櫥窗，藉由此觀察論析其發展的挑戰與回應。 第壹部分探討國關研究的「情緒轉向 」與政治心理學發展，藉以顯現國關學者應用政治心理學為研究途徑於相關領域及議..

From 1970s to 1990s, Political Psychology has applied to International Relations, but only since 2000, the “emotional turn” empowered International Political Psychology the meaning of revival and impacts. Including the debates between scholars with different perspectives (ontology, epistemology, methodology, and research methods), the practice values of issues study, interdisciplinary trends and challenges of International Political Psychology, and the impacts of “emotional turn”. All demonstrate the “emotional..

本文擬以「歷史制度論」嘗試回答以下的研究課題：「墨西哥的觀光導向農村再生模式為何形成？其中又有何特殊之處？」繼則闡述：就行動者來說，由於該國政府在歷史進程上長期以國家之力主導旅遊業，並爭取全方位地提升旅遊吸引力，包括從無到有，打造類似阿卡普爾科（西班牙文：Acapulco）與坎昆（西班牙文：Cancún）經驗的新興城市，故能在全球觀光體系內，扮演著旅遊舞臺的鋪設者角色，進而廣受世人矚目，無形之中致使所謂「路徑依賴」（path dependence）於焉產生。嗣再迎來接受新自..

This paper employs a historical institutionalism framework to address the research question: What accounts for the formation of Mexico’s tourismoriented rural revitalization model, and what are its distinctive features? It then seeks to elucidate the following points: the Mexican government has historically taken a state-led approach to tourism development, striving to enhance the country’s appeal as a global destination in a comprehensive manner. This has included the creation of entirely new cities, such as Acapulco and Canc&u..

2016年日本通過宇宙2法，揭櫫推動民間升空商機、遙測數據商業等目標，目的在於擴大日本太空商業活動與世界太空市場接軌。其次，2017年美國NASA公布「阿緹米斯計畫」（Artemis program），基於美日同盟和美日安保，日本也積極參與美國主導的月球計畫；日本第5期《宇宙基本計劃》（2023∼2033年）表明日本邁入國際太空合作的動向，並且推出「宇宙安全保障構想」。就此，本文整理日本對應新太空時代的動向、太空與安保、太空民主聯盟等觀點，採用理性抉擇理論的「偏好—機..

In 2016, Japan passed the Space Act which aims to promote private space launch opportunities and the commercialization of remote sensing data, with the goal of expanding Japan’s space commercial activities and aligning with the global space market. Secondly, in 2017, NASA announced the Artemis program (Lunar Program). Based on the U.S.-Japan alliance and U.S.-Japan security arrangements, Japan is also actively participating in the U.S.-led lunar program. The 5th Basic Plan for Space Policy (2023~2033) indicating Japan’s move tow..

近年來，中美兩強權在印太地區的戰略競爭愈演愈烈。特別是在基礎建設上，所謂的聯通性戰略，更是兩國在印太地區較量的指標。隨著經濟的快速發展，印太地區對數位化所需的基礎建設越顯急迫。在新冠疫情後，印太國家更加關注高質量的網路基礎設施以及一些關鍵的數據驅動技術，包括人工智慧（AI）。因應此需求，中國早在「一帶一路」（Belt and Road Initiative, BRI）的旗幟下，提倡「數位絲綢之路」（Digital Silk Road, DSR），積極推進數位基礎設施合作。美國則提出了「自..

In recent years, the strategic competition between China and the United States in the Indo-Pacific region has intensified, particularly in the realm of infrastructure development. The concept of connectivity has become a key indicator of this competition, as both countries seek to expand their influence in the region. With the rapid economic growth, the demand for digitalizationrelated infrastructure in the Indo-Pacific region has become increasingly critical. In the post pandemic period, Indo-Pacific countries are more concerned about high..

過去研究已指出選舉輸家和贏家在民主滿意度和政治支持上具有顯著的差異，然而卻鮮少有研究檢視選舉輸家和贏家在情感極化的程度上是否有顯著的不同。本研究認為在選舉競爭激烈的情況下，選舉輸家對於勝選者缺乏信心，不信任勝選者會回應其需求，加深其與勝選陣營之間的鴻溝，進而具有較高的情感極化程度。另一方面，選舉贏家則因為處於勝選、掌握政治權力的一方，對於敵對陣營可能較具有包容力，因此會具有較低的情感極化程度。此外，本研究進一步提出選舉輸家/贏家與情感極化之間的關係會受到治效能感的調節作用而產生異質性的影..

Previous research has pointed out significant differences between electoral losers and winners in terms of democratic satisfaction and political support. However, there has been scarce examination of whether there are significant differences in affective polarization between electoral losers and winners. This study argues that in fiercely competitive elections, electoral losers lack confidence in the winners and distrust that their needs will be addressed, deepening the divide between them and the winning camp, and leading to higher levels ..