1972 年斷交後的台日雙邊關係，在歷經了艱難時代、冷戰後的現在，迎接新時代。即使台日雙邊沒有正式的外交關係，但是以經貿關係、多元的文化交流為主的民間交流支撐雙邊關係順利地發展。由於台日之間沒有正式的關係，不得不借用「交流協會」與「亞東關係協會」等非官方的機構、管道來維持雙方的互動關係。 本文的主要目的是立足於特殊的雙邊關係結構，探討參與日本對台決策的組織、制度、過程及行動者之間的互動關係，進而企圖建立日本對台政策的模型，嘗試分析、比較..

Diplomatic relations between the Republic of China (Taiwan) and Japan were broken in 1972 - although non-governmental exchanges have continued through the post-Cold War period - and are now entering new era. Despite the lack of formal diplomatic relations, non-governmental exchanges that focus on close economic and trade ties and a multiplicity of cultural exchanges have promoted the smooth development of bilateral relations. Due to the diplomatic break-off, substantive relations need to be conducted through non-governmental ..

有別於戰後以來政治思想史、歷史與文化的研究，多元主義於 1970 年代中期後在日本政治學界正式登場。利用個案研究、深度訪談與調查計量方法，多元主義針對現代日本政治的運作進行實證分析，而日本的政經與社會結構也出現多元化的現象，賦予多元主義解釋的有效性，使得多元主義研究蔚為日本政治學的新潮流。然而，1993 年自民黨的下野，以及聯合政權形態的常態化，政治決定架構出現重大的轉變，多元主義在此挑戰下，採取政策爭論點研究途徑與特定行為者的個案研究，努力建構普遍的解釋模..

Differs to the traditional approaches of political theory history and the historical-cultural studies in postwar Japan, the pluralism approach had been introduced and connected to Japan’s political studies since the mid-1970s. Because of various changes of political, economic and social structure in Japan, the pluralism approach, which especially emphasizes on the research methods such as case study, in-depth interview and survey study, was efficiently utilized to analyze Japan’s practical politics and gradually b..

在戰後日本民主憲政史上，2005 年舉辦的第 44 屆日本眾院議員選舉深受各界重視，特別是因為該屆選舉，是日本政治史上首度因重大政策遭國會否決，內閣首相逕予交付民意定奪的一項公民複決選舉。當時自民黨的執政內閣能否在改選中贏取民心，亦或由民主黨等在野黨派來更迭政權，不僅攸關小泉純一郎首相政治生命與改革路線的延續，更牽動日本未來政經局勢的發展走向，其重要性確實不容小覷。 有別於過往研究囿限於宏觀層次或質化的研究途徑，本文嘗試根據日本選舉研究..

The 44th Japanese House election in 2005 has played a significant role in its post-war democratic history and also drove a lot of attention in the academics. The importance of this election, regarded as the national referendum for the postal reform, relies on the fact that it is the first time the House is dismissed because of unsolved policy gridlock. The consequence of the election not only results in the destine of LDP coalition government and the political career of Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi, but also the developme..

行政改革是當前民主國家發展的趨勢，在追求績效、提升統治能力之際，行政改革有其必要性。日本以行政改革手段提升政治家的政策能力，特別是強化政治領導者首相的領導權作法，與 1980 年代以來進行政改革的國家相較，最為特殊且引人入勝。 對於日本行政改革的既有研究大致將焦點置於以下三點:一為從新自由主義的觀點，討論「小政府」的時代趨勢，二為中央省廳的大幅縮編以及衍生的效果與影響，三是討論首相輔佐機關的強化。然而卻少觸及強化政治家的政策能力，甚至是..

To build an efficient and active government, most democracies are practicing administration reform for their necessities and inevitabilities. Comparing with the democracies which reformed since 1980s, Japan is the most absorbing one that makes use of administration reform as a way of consolidation of prime minister's leadership. The current researches are focused on these three dimensions: first, the trend of “small government” from the neo-liberalism perspective; second, the effect of agencies redu..

琉球群島位居日本、中國與台灣之間，是歐亞大陸及太平洋島鏈接壤之進出孔道，地理形勢堪稱十分重要。尤其自 14 世紀以來，琉球迭遭列強海權與陸權的激烈角逐，更凸顯歷史命運的發展實與其地緣政治的性格息息相關，甚而衍生至今猶須面臨「地位未定」的尷尬處境。不僅如此，琉球地位尚涉及日本、中國與台灣相關之釣魚台群島主權歸屬及東海海域劃界問題等國際爭議，並牽連東北亞整體安全保障之未來走向，誠未可等閒視之。有鑒於此，本文乃從國際法及國際政治的角度切入，試圖對琉球地位與東北亞之..

The Ryukyu Islands are a chain of islands between Eurasia and the Pacific Ocean. Because of the importance of their geographic situation, the Ryukyu Islands have become a focus where many countries compete. Until today, many regard the legal position of the Ryukyu Islands as uncertain. Moreover, the Ryukyu issue also contains the dispute of the Diaoyu Islands, (which are regarded as parts of the Ryukyu Islands by Japan) among Japan, China and Taiwan and the security of Northeast Asia. Therefore, the Ryukyu issue is an importa..