本文旨在分析日本戰前藩閥與戰後自民黨派閥政治的關連，明瞭在歷史因素下政治寡頭者理念的傳承，且進一步影響現今政治的運作。以往有關派閥政治的研究，多數是以選區制度、權力均衡等觀點進行探討，然本文認為尚可由制度與歷史的因果關係，探究制度的動態與變遷、制度的柔軟性和限制性等要素說明。故本文取日本藩閥與派閥之例，認為兩者之間藉由近代政黨政治運作連結而起，對應政府體制轉變，成為民主政治理念的展現。本文發現近代日本藩閥政治與自民黨派閥的連續性上，存在有保守與改革派意識形態的對抗，藉由依賴路徑發展而來的..

This paper’s purpose is to analyze the relationship between the pre-war Hanbatsu politics and the post-war factional politics in Japan in order to understand the continued ideals of the political oligarchy and their effect on the operations of present politics. In terms of the studies on factional politics in Japan, most scholars use the viewpoints of the election system or the balance of power, etc. However, this paper tries to explore factional politics from the institutional and historical cause and effect viewpoint. To do so, this..

武裝衝突期間軍隊保護人類文化資產的角色，國際人道法、國際人權法與國際刑法訂有相關的義務及規範，但此義務或法律規範具體的落實則是有賴於國際組織與強國(主要是美國)在不同的戰爭或武裝衝突期間的實際經驗。即使美國在2003年伊拉克戰爭前已經規劃保護當地文化資產的措施，軍隊及其盟軍仍遭致批評未能保護文化資產。後續2004年在科索沃戰爭期間未能保護東正教(Eastern Orthodox)修道院及防止種族屠殺之間的兩難、2005年在伊拉克薩馬拉(Samarra)歷史1..

This research tries to explore the evolution of international laws regarding the cultural property protection (CPP) during the event of armed conflict with armed forces having obligations to protect cultural property from Law of War, International Humanitarian Law, Law of International Human Rights and International Criminal Law. However, the international practices were based on the interactions of international politics and international laws have been played by great powers (particularly United States) in wars or armed con..

本文認為，「既有強權美國 vs. 崛起強權日本」(1931~1941)與「既有強權美國 vs. 崛起強權中國」(1993~2018)的比較，能為現今的美中關係提供許多建設性的思考。本文從既有強權的角度觀察其如何回應崛起強權;以Randall Schweller的歸納為基礎而建立一個相對完整的政策選擇全貌。作者發現:面對1931~1941年崛起的日本，美國先採「中立、綏靖」，後改採「制衡」，最終採「戰爭」。面對1993~2018年崛起的中國，美國以「交往」為基..

This paper argues that the comparative study of the two cases - the US dominant power vs. the Japan rising power (1931-1941) and the US dominant power vs. the China rising power (1993-2018) can provide ample constructive thinking on the contemporary US-China relations. This paper focuses on how a dominant power reacts to a rising power. An analytical framework of dominant powers’ policy options toward rising powers, based on Randall Schweller’s theories, is developed and applied to this study. This paper has found..

本研究目的在於，從中國與北韓的國家利益角度，分析金正恩時期中朝之間合作與衝突的背景，進而探討雙方關係的走向。自習近平與金正恩於 2013 年分別出任中國與北韓的國家元首以來，由於中朝兩國皆採取對對方國家利益有所損失的政策，使雙方關係陷入緊張。就北韓的國家利益而言，穩定以金正恩為首的共產黨政權為第一要務。因此，金正恩上台之後，繼承金正日的「先軍政治」，持續研發軍事科技，進行試射導彈、第 3 次核試爆，採取「經濟、核武建設並進路線」，以凝聚國內團結，且處決危及金..

The purpose of this project is to analyze the historical background of co- operation and conflict between China and North Korea during the Kim Jung- un era from both Chinese and North Korean’s national-interest perspective, as well as the direction of bilateral relationships. Since Xi Jinping and Kim Jong-un took office as China and North Korea’s head of state in 2013 respectively, both countries have been adopting policies to lose their people’s national interest from each other, which in turn have caused g..

氣候變遷改變了全球氣候，也改變了北極。北極受全球暖化影響快速冰融，改變了區域內外的國際關係。中日韓三國為爭取未來可能浮現的北極航運利益，以及北極豐富的石油、天然氣等自然資源，紛紛設法進入此一區域。三國同時採取多邊和雙邊外交，意圖強化在北極的影響力。目前為止，三國的北極政策各自為政，甚至相互競爭，很容易產生利益衝突;北極重要的戰略地位，也易引起軍事緊張。事實上，三國在北極有共同的利益，這些共同利益有可能促成三國間的合作。  ..

Climate change has changed the Arctic. The Arctic ice is melting rapidly as the result of global warming. It changed the international relationships of the region and beyond. To compete for emerging Arctic shipping routes and abundant oil, natural gas and other natural resources, China, Japan and South Korea have managed to get involved in this area. The three countries are taking multilateral and bilateral diplomatic approaches simultaneously to strengthen their influence in the Arctic. So far, the three countries are acting..