本文認為，「既有強權美國 vs. 崛起強權日本」(1931~1941)與「既有強權美國 vs. 崛起強權中國」(1993~2018)的比較，能為現今的美中關係提供許多建設性的思考。本文從既有強權的角度觀察其如何回應崛起強權;以Randall Schweller的歸納為基礎而建立一個相對完整的政策選擇全貌。作者發現:面對1931~1941年崛起的日本，美國先採「中立、綏靖」，後改採「制衡」，最終採「戰爭」。面對1993~2018年崛起的中國，美國以「交往」為基..

This paper argues that the comparative study of the two cases - the US dominant power vs. the Japan rising power (1931-1941) and the US dominant power vs. the China rising power (1993-2018) can provide ample constructive thinking on the contemporary US-China relations. This paper focuses on how a dominant power reacts to a rising power. An analytical framework of dominant powers’ policy options toward rising powers, based on Randall Schweller’s theories, is developed and applied to this study. This paper has found..

本研究目的在於，從中國與北韓的國家利益角度，分析金正恩時期中朝之間合作與衝突的背景，進而探討雙方關係的走向。自習近平與金正恩於 2013 年分別出任中國與北韓的國家元首以來，由於中朝兩國皆採取對對方國家利益有所損失的政策，使雙方關係陷入緊張。就北韓的國家利益而言，穩定以金正恩為首的共產黨政權為第一要務。因此，金正恩上台之後，繼承金正日的「先軍政治」，持續研發軍事科技，進行試射導彈、第 3 次核試爆，採取「經濟、核武建設並進路線」，以凝聚國內團結，且處決危及金..

The purpose of this project is to analyze the historical background of co- operation and conflict between China and North Korea during the Kim Jung- un era from both Chinese and North Korean’s national-interest perspective, as well as the direction of bilateral relationships. Since Xi Jinping and Kim Jong-un took office as China and North Korea’s head of state in 2013 respectively, both countries have been adopting policies to lose their people’s national interest from each other, which in turn have caused g..

氣候變遷改變了全球氣候，也改變了北極。北極受全球暖化影響快速冰融，改變了區域內外的國際關係。中日韓三國為爭取未來可能浮現的北極航運利益，以及北極豐富的石油、天然氣等自然資源，紛紛設法進入此一區域。三國同時採取多邊和雙邊外交，意圖強化在北極的影響力。目前為止，三國的北極政策各自為政，甚至相互競爭，很容易產生利益衝突;北極重要的戰略地位，也易引起軍事緊張。事實上，三國在北極有共同的利益，這些共同利益有可能促成三國間的合作。  ..

Climate change has changed the Arctic. The Arctic ice is melting rapidly as the result of global warming. It changed the international relationships of the region and beyond. To compete for emerging Arctic shipping routes and abundant oil, natural gas and other natural resources, China, Japan and South Korea have managed to get involved in this area. The three countries are taking multilateral and bilateral diplomatic approaches simultaneously to strengthen their influence in the Arctic. So far, the three countries are acting..

本文探討美國小布希總統任內的文武關係。置重點於文人統制與軍人專業倫理的理念與實踐。內容重點包括:美國文武關係理論，文人主導的戰爭和軍事轉型，文人領導風格，文、武領導者之間的衝突，退役將領對文人領導者的批評，以及文武關係理論的檢視。文、武之間的衝突，主要源自 911 攻擊事件後，美國在阿富汗和伊拉克發動的反恐戰爭過程中，雙方在用兵計畫與實施上的爭執，以及文人國防部長倫斯斐領導風格所導致軍事將領的反彈。這一過程，在美國文武關係演變上所顯示的意涵在於:一、文武關係..

This study discussed the civil-military relations in the United States during George W. Bush’s presidency(2001-2006)and focused on civilian control, notions and fulfillment of military professionalism. The key points included American civil-military relations theories, wars and military transformations led by civilians, civilian leadership styles, conflicts between the civilian and military top rankings, criticisms on civilian leaderships by retired generals, and reviews of civil-military relations theories. Civilian an..

美國在小布希與歐巴馬兩任政府主政時期，對馬來西亞的政策出現顯著差異。當前多數文獻以「雙邊─多邊」或「軍事─經濟」的兩組對照作為比較基礎，而本文在具體耙梳兩屆政府在美馬經貿與安全合作的政策異同之後，發現上述兩組對照分析模式有過於簡化之嫌，因此提出以外交取向的本質作為出發點，深入研究小布希與歐巴馬政府對馬政策的異同。以美馬反恐和南海議題上的合作為案例進行分析之後，本文發現小布希政府的對馬政策是功能取向的，因此著重對馬政策的工具性與利益界定，導致雙邊關係發展受限於..

Since the Obama administration initiated the “Rebalancing toward Asia” policy, development of US-Malaysia relationship has been one of the crucial topics. Many researchers have suggested that Obama’s policy toward Malaysia is more successful than that of Bush’s, and most works have followed the framework of “bilateralism vs. multilateralism” and “security- oriented vs. economy-oriented” to make a strategic comparison. This article examines such frameworks and argues that they ar..