在食品安全暨衛生這個議題領域中，消費者、業者、政府是三個最主要的行為者(actors)。理論上，當此三個行為者的地位在市場上處於均衡狀態，就算彼此偏好(preferences)不同，食安品質仍得以維持一定水準。惟業者多半在實際上享有資訊優勢，並藉由此種優勢地位在市場交易過程中取得主導性影響，致使政府經常與其靠攏或是消費者受其宰制。有趣的是，臺灣因近幾年接續爆發各式各類食安醜聞，於是政府開始頻繁地修正食安法規並積極地介入市場進行管理。這使得上述三個行為者在食安..

Consumers, the food industry, and the government are the main actors in the area of food safety and the embedded domain of public health. Theoretically, only by balancing power among the three actors will desired food safety be maintained, even though the three actors have different preferences. Nevertheless, the industry frequently plays the leading role in the market because of its superiority in information possession. Thus, the government usually leans toward collaborating with the industry, leaveing consumers under indus..

1970 年代前後，西方曾有許多重大的學術知識「轉向」，旨在批判或修改邏輯實證論的基本結構。政治學界沒有抓好這個重要的轉折，故陷入方法論的困境，而無法調節學門內各領域的關連，形成「分桌吃飯」的局面。這個危機在冷戰驟然結束之時爆發，形成國關內部現實主義和建構主義的大論戰，其後又形成 2001 年美國「政治學的改造運動」。然而，都未能有效地化解政治學內部長年積壓的矛盾。本文認為，索緒爾開啟的現代語言學概念，以及維根斯坦科學哲學後期的逆轉，共同奠定了一道更寬廣的轉..

According to the language concepts defined by Ferdinand De Saussure and the late philosophy created by Ludwig Wittgenstein, this article attempts to point out a possible “turn” that may render the study of politics “an ecumenical science of politics” upheld by Gregory Kasza in the Perestroika movement of the discipline in 2001.  

2007-08 年爆發全球金融危機後，美聯準會(Fed)實施三輪的量化寬鬆貨幣(QE)政策以支持金融穩定與刺激經濟成長。Fed 的 QE 政策導致美元貶值，這意味持有過半美國債券作為儲備貨幣之外國官方機構(Foreign Official Institutions, FOIs)，其國債部位將產生巨大之資本損失。強調新自由主義世界秩序重要性之國際政治經濟學文獻，在論述金融全球化時指出， Fed 的銀行紓困計畫對其他經濟體形成非意圖性之資本流動的外溢效果。藉由 ..

In the wake of the global financial crisis that struck the world in 2007- 08, the U.S. Federal Reserve(the Fed)has undertaken three rounds of quantitative easing(QE)in an effort to sustain financial stability and stimulate economic growth. However, the Fed’s QE policy inevitably resulted in dollar depreciation, which means a huge capital loss for foreign official institutions ( FOIs ) since FOIs hold more than half of the outstanding stock of U.S. Treasury securities as official reserve holdings. Existing International ..

北京倡議的「亞洲基礎設施投資銀行」(簡稱:亞投行)，在華府眼中，卻認為會挑戰到當今美國主導的全球經濟秩序。事實上，資本額度僅 1000 億美元的亞投行，無法撼動美國在全球金融政治中的主導地位。美國對亞投行戒慎恐懼，真是美元的地位受到威脅?亞投行的設立是否真能實踐人民幣國際化的目標?本文主張，中國應支持亞投行以美元發行(而非人民幣計價) 的「亞投行債券」，並同時設立「帶路基金」發行人民幣計價的「帶路基金債券」。如此，中國才得逐步降低對美國國債的過度依賴，掌握到..

Beijing launched the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank(AIIB)in order to offer financial resources for more investments to Asian countries in need. To some extent, the US$ 100 billion AIIB is not supposed to impose any serious threat to U.S. dominance in global finance. Why does the U.S. fear the China-led AIIB? Would the establishment of AIIB speed up decline of the dollar as an international currency? Is the AIIB likely to contribute to further internationalization of the renminbi(RMB)? This paper contends that China shou..

俄羅斯擁有世界最多的天然氣、第二大煤礦及第八大原油蘊藏量，這些豐富的天然資源使俄羅斯具備實施能源外交的優越地緣政治經濟條件。從二十一世紀開始，俄羅斯已經逐漸改變前蘇聯政府時期依靠軍事與政治力量來確保其國際地位的策略，轉而利用天然資源，特別是豐富的天然氣，作為經濟發展與對外關係的重要手段。而普欽政府將天然氣的營運與巨大獲益全都收歸國家管理及控制，是其得以將此一能源權力發展為對歐洲外交戰略與恢復過去大國地位的基礎。本文擬以蘇珊‧史翠菊(Susan Strange..

Russia holds the world's largest natural gas reserves, the second-largest coal reserves, and the eighth-largest crude oil reserves. These plentiful natural resources allow Russia to obtain excellent geopolitical and geoeconomic conditions to carry out its foreign energy strategies. Since the beginning of the 21st century, Russia has transformed from former USSR’s foreign policy which depended on military and political powers for ensuring its international position into the current policy of utilizing natural resourc..