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搜尋結果 : 和" analysis"有關的資料, 共有209筆
「漁捕實體」概念在區域漁業管理組織實踐之研究:以我國已成為會員之組織為例
Analysis on the Practice of ‘Fishing Entities’ Concept in Regional Fisheries Management Organizations: Special References on Organizations that Taiwan Has Become Members
魏仲伶 (Chung-ling Wei) 高世明 (Shih-ming Kao)
60卷4期(2021/12/01)

我國身為遠洋漁捕大國,但受限於國家身分不被聯合國及大多數國家承認,無法參與或加入大多數的國際組織,包括區域漁業管理組織在內。為此,「1995年聯合國魚群協定」遂創造了「漁捕實體」一詞,為我國開啟參與國際組織的一個機會之窗。雖是如此,我國以「漁捕實體」之身分參與區域漁業管理組織所適用之程序及享有之權利,在不同組織與不同時期均有所差異。在早期中西太平洋漁業委員會(WCPFC)及美洲熱帶鮪類委員會(IATTC)中,「漁捕實體」所適用之程序及享有之權利幾乎與國家之「..

As one of the distant water fishing nations (DWFNs) in the world, Taiwan is not able to participate in or access the works of many international organizations, including regional fisheries management organizations (RFMOs), due to the fact that Taiwan’s statehood is not recognized by the United Nations and most States. The term “Fishing Entities” was created in the 1995 United Nations Fish Stocks Agreement (UNFSA), in which it has also opened a window of opportunity for Taiwan in the participation of internat..

「村社會」的繼承與蛻變: 試論日本戰前藩閥與戰後派閥政治的關連性
The Continue and Change of Murasyakai: The Analysis of the Relationship between Pre- War Hanbatsu Politics and Post-War Factional Politics in Japan
鄭子真 (Tzu-chen Cheng)
60卷2期(2021/06/01)

本文旨在分析日本戰前藩閥與戰後自民黨派閥政治的關連,明瞭在歷史因素下政治寡頭者理念的傳承,且進一步影響現今政治的運作。以往有關派閥政治的研究,多數是以選區制度、權力均衡等觀點進行探討,然本文認為尚可由制度與歷史的因果關係,探究制度的動態與變遷、制度的柔軟性和限制性等要素說明。故本文取日本藩閥與派閥之例,認為兩者之間藉由近代政黨政治運作連結而起,對應政府體制轉變,成為民主政治理念的展現。本文發現近代日本藩閥政治與自民黨派閥的連續性上,存在有保守與改革派意識形態的對抗,藉由依賴路徑發展而來的..

This paper’s purpose is to analyze the relationship between the pre-war Hanbatsu politics and the post-war factional politics in Japan in order to understand the continued ideals of the political oligarchy and their effect on the operations of present politics. In terms of the studies on factional politics in Japan, most scholars use the viewpoints of the election system or the balance of power, etc. However, this paper tries to explore factional politics from the institutional and historical cause and effect viewpoint. To do so, this..

美國總統公布對臺軍售的時機選擇: 行政部門通知國會審查的分析
The President’s Choice of Timing for Arms Sales to Taiwan: An Analysis of the Executive Branch’s Notification to Congress for Review
陳偉華(Wei-hua Chen)
59卷3期(2020/09/01)

自我國與美國斷交後,過去40年來,美國政府對臺軍售始終為美國作為兩岸關係第三方影響的重要課題,亦為在兩岸間「衝突預防」的政策工具。美國對於臺灣的安全承諾,長期擺盪在安全利益與民主聲譽之間,亦根源於行政部門和國會之間的立場分野。有別於過去的分析途徑,本文從外交政策分析(FPA)的理論視角切入,以總統決策機制為分析單元,討論美國總統在對臺軍售決策機制中究竟扮演的關鍵角色,以總統任期、領導人安全觀及府會結構三項解釋變數,檢視歷屆美國總統對於公布軍售和..

Since the United States switched diplomatic recognition from Taipei to Beijing, the U.S arms sales to Taiwan have been a critical issue affecting the Cross-Strait relations for the past 40 years. In order to preserve stability in the Taiwan Strait, maintaining sufficient self-defense capability for Taiwan has been the major goal of the United States. However, the U.S security commitment to Taiwan has long been fluctuating between security interests and democratic reputation. It also depends on the stance of the executive bran..

論未定疆界對持續領土爭端的衝突緩和作用: 以2017中印洞朗對峙為例
The Deescalating Effect of Unsettled Borders on Enduring Territorial Disputes: An Analysis on the 2017 Doklam Standoff
陳秉逵(Ping-Kuei Chen)
59卷3期(2020/09/01)

國家間發生領土爭端時,常以展現或威脅使用軍事力量為主要威逼手段,若爭端國互不相讓,往往會陷入緊張的軍事對峙,隨時可能升級為全面武裝衝突。本文檢視此類不實際動武的軍事對峙,並提出兩個因素可有助緩和軍事對峙。首先,反覆僵持的爭端使雙方主動管理對峙行為,避免容易造成衝突升級的意外;再者,未定邊界或領土為雙方使用武力的緩衝地帶,針對爭議領土展示或威脅使用武力變成可理解的經常事件,對爭端國而言,爭議區域的武裝對峙或軍事行動不被視為立即的挑戰或威脅,衝突方傾向避免對峙惡..

States often make coercive threats by showing or threatening to use military force during territorial disputes. Disputants may be mired in intense military standoff if no parties would stand down in a dispute. The tense situation may escalate into armed conflicts. This article examines military standoff short of the use of force. It presents two variables that could alleviate military standoff. First, disputants will take measures to manage their conflict behavior when repeated conflicts yield no clear resolution to a territo..

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