21 世紀開始以來，國際上發生了許多重大的恐怖攻擊事件，例如 2001 年 911 恐怖攻擊事件、2002 與 2003 年兩次峇里島爆炸事件、2004 年馬德里火車爆炸事件，2005 年倫敦地鐵攻擊事件、2008 年孟買攻擊事件。這些恐怖攻擊事件因為造成眾多人死傷，加上國際媒體晝夜強力放送，使閱聽大眾至今記憶猶新。但是，這些恐怖攻擊事件都只是整個恐怖組織活動的最終「產品」。 國際恐怖行動若分成上、中、下游。上游是資金的供給，中游是人員..

Since the beginning of the 21st century, many deadly terrorist attacks have taken places, such as the 9-11 attacks in 2001, Bali terrorist attacks in 2002, Madrid train bombings in 2004, and London suicide bombings in 2005. The images of these terrorist attacks on the audience around the globe are readily recalled due to casualties and broadcasting by the international media. In actuality, the attacks are the “final products” of a whole series of activities conducted by international terrorism. If terro..

我國實務見解對於載貨證券仲裁條款，拘泥於當事人簽名與否，不符國際公約與英美法制，亦抵觸仲裁法。按仲裁法理，載貨證券載有仲裁條款，而未抵觸相關定型化契約規範時，透過載貨證券交付，構成當事人仲裁合意;海商法第 78 條允許運送關係當事人約定仲裁地與仲裁規則，並視為仲裁協議一部份，明文承認載貨證券仲裁條款效力。關於載貨證券引置傭船契約仲裁條款之效力，因仲裁法強調仲裁合意之彰顯，故引置條款未指明引用傭船契約仲裁條款者，應認為未形成仲裁合意;反之、若明確指向傭船契約仲..

Regarding the formality of arbitration clause on bills of lading, our judiciary opinions are insistent upon the signature requirement of the involving parties, which contradict not only the international conventions and the Anglo-American legislations, but also our Arbitration Law. Under the Arbitration Law, a bill of lading containing an arbitration clause that constitutes consent to arbitration by exchange of letter or other communications between parties if the rules for adhesive contract terms are satisfied. Article 78 of..

國際憲政主義概念固然有待精確定義，但有關世貿規約憲政主義化的見解，已然成為國際法學界討論國際憲政主義概念的藍本。國際憲政主義概念的演化暨發展方向，可能影響到國際社會法律體系的建構，以及國家未來在國際社會所受到的司法制約程度。展望未來，世貿規約憲政主義化的經驗進程，是否會對國際法其它面向的法理論證造成影響，繼續將人權概念置入永績發展、國際環境保護、氣候變遷機制與海洋環境保育等議題的論證當中，並以人類社群整體福祉之極大化為前提，為沒有參與締約的第三方創造國際責任與義務，值得吾人深入並且持續的..

Despite debates addressed among constitutionalists, the concept of international constitutionalism has caused legal consequences to the sovereignty base of international law, and thus mutates the concept of the status of the states. Nowadays, trade scholarship is particularly preoccupied with questions of constitutionalism. The constitutionalization of WTO regulations has triggered a debate on the future of global constitutionalism. Some scholars of the International Public Law believe that WTO, as an institution of global governance, would..

權力與國家利益是國際政治研究的主要探討因素，也是國際關係學界戰後研究的起點，本文認為「權力」決定「國家利益」，進而限制「國家行為」的觀點 ，在國際人權規範下未必依舊是當代國際政治與國家行為的鐵律。從冷戰後國際社會的維持和平行動來看，有相當程度國家武力干預並非出於國家利益的動機，亦非與地緣戰略有關，而只是為了去維持國際社會的價值，一種強調人權價值、避免種族淨化的發生。這種國際社會的價值 (人性尊嚴、法治、民主) ，某種程度存有所謂規範制約權力的成分，強調權力的使用來自合法性，而這規範的形塑..

Power and national interest constitute an important research topic in the study of international politics, and can be seen as the starting point for the study of international relations in the post-war period. A number of scholars have asserted that “power” determines “national interest." Such a view, however, can result in an excessively restricted understanding of “national behavior," since the relationship between contemporary international politics and national behavior is not necessarily an ironclad on..

在國際關係理論中，以主權國家為前提，以理性選擇為途徑，這種採用國家是單一理性行為體的假設，在解釋國際合作與否時，已經面臨到一些挑戰，換言之，非國家行為體亦扮演重要角色。另外，由新現實主義和新自由主義共同假定的制度結構，在日趨複雜的現實世界中，也不能完全理解真實國際社會合作發生的原因。因此，本文嘗試引用認知理論，藉共同認知變項的提出，並結合共同利益變項，透過整合制度結構和認知轉化的過程，導出一種國際合作框架。在驗證部份，本文採用賽局理論和列舉實際案例，說明制度..

In international relations, some theories explain international cooperation almost solely based on sovereign states and a presumed approach of rational choice. However, these hypotheses assume a state-actor, as a rational unit, will meet some unforeseen challenges, thus we need a non-state actor as another variable. Furthermore, an institutional structure of neo- realism’s and neo-liberalism’s hypothesis do not fully illustrate how international cooperation occurs in the real world. So we adopt both the cognitive ..