本文起源於兩大研究問題:誰在治理中國的糧食安全?中國糧食安全嗎?因此使用聯合國糧食安全定義分析中國大陸糧食安全治理機制與治理狀況，主要發現有兩點:第一是糧食議題的安全化進展。聯合國雖然從 1970 年代中葉就開始進行糧食議題的安全化，並且逐步在 1970 年代將糧食充足性，1980 年代將糧食可取得性，1990 年代將食物使用性等項目列入糧食安全的指標中，但是氣候變遷卻在 21 世紀初期成為威脅糧食安全的新變數，使得糧食供需及取得的穩定性在近期成為糧食安全的..

This paper arises from an attempt to answer the two following questions: (1)Who is responsible for China’s food security governance?(2)Is China’s food security status secured? Definition of food security constructed by the United Nations(UN)was applied to analyze China’s food security governance and status, with two important findings. First, regarding securitization of the food issues, while the UN has gradually taken food availability(since the 1970s), accessibility(since the 1980s), and utilization and sa..

英國於 2016 年 6 月 23 日舉行全國性公投，脫歐派以 51.9%勝出，再於 2017 年 3 月 29 日啟動《歐洲聯盟條約》第 50 條脫歐程序，意味英國通知後的兩年內脫離歐盟。英國脫歐將對英國與歐盟帶來重大深遠之影響，英歐未來關係很大程度將取決於脫歐談判之結果，包括脫歐條件、過渡機制以及雙邊協定等安排。本文以英國脫歐對歐盟之影響為研究對象，探討英國脫歐對歐盟預算、經貿、歐洲整合及對外關係等方面之潛在影響。本文建議英國與歐盟應從事理性談判，架構出..

A national referendum was held in the UK on 23 June 2016, with the result of a 51.9% vote to exit the EU. On 29 March 2017, the UK triggered the Article 50 procedure which will lead to Brexit in two years. Brexit poses a big challenge for both the UK and the EU. Future UK-EU relationship will mainly be decided by the results of the Brexit negotiations, in terms of its exit arrangements, transitional mechanisms, bilateral agreements, etc. This paper focuses on the impact of Brexit on the EU, particularly on the EU’s budg..

本文以「邊緣性」(marginality)的概念，詮釋小國愛沙尼亞(Estonia)的安全政策。「邊緣性」兼具地緣政治、認同、權力關係等多重意涵，適合用以探討小國的安全政策。從此觀點來看，位居邊緣位置的小國，不必然總是受制於中心或大國主導的秩序;由於前者本身是構成秩序的一部分，它也具有影響中心的可能性。後冷戰時期的愛沙尼亞，在外交與安全政策上可說由俄羅斯轉向西方。在這個置換中心的過程中，它一方面向新的中心(北約與歐盟)表達向心力，積極參與其主導的秩序，另一方..

This paper attempts to (re)interpret Estonia’s security policy by adopting the concept of “marginality,” an idea that bears such elements as geopolitics, identity, size and power relations, and is therefore suitable for studying small states’ security policies. A small state located at the margin is not necessarily constrained by or subjected to the great power at the center, because as a constituent part of the very relationship, the margin always has certain potential to exert influence on the center..

美國在小布希與歐巴馬兩任政府主政時期，對馬來西亞的政策出現顯著差異。當前多數文獻以「雙邊─多邊」或「軍事─經濟」的兩組對照作為比較基礎，而本文在具體耙梳兩屆政府在美馬經貿與安全合作的政策異同之後，發現上述兩組對照分析模式有過於簡化之嫌，因此提出以外交取向的本質作為出發點，深入研究小布希與歐巴馬政府對馬政策的異同。以美馬反恐和南海議題上的合作為案例進行分析之後，本文發現小布希政府的對馬政策是功能取向的，因此著重對馬政策的工具性與利益界定，導致雙邊關係發展受限於..

Since the Obama administration initiated the “Rebalancing toward Asia” policy, development of US-Malaysia relationship has been one of the crucial topics. Many researchers have suggested that Obama’s policy toward Malaysia is more successful than that of Bush’s, and most works have followed the framework of “bilateralism vs. multilateralism” and “security- oriented vs. economy-oriented” to make a strategic comparison. This article examines such frameworks and argues that they ar..

本文探討影響中美在中國沿海進行海域油氣勘探合作的主要變數。尼克森政府時期，中美開始海域油氣勘探上的接觸。改革開放與中美建交後，中國擴大與美國在海域油氣勘探上的合作。不過，中國和周邊國家存在領土與邊界爭議。北京威脅使用武力，對美國政府與石油公司產生影響。《聯合國海洋法公約》是另一個重要變數，特別是在蘇聯瓦解後。2008 年，中美開始進行有關投資保障協定的談判。一般而言，雙邊投資協定要求簽約國對外來投資者提供保護。2012 年，歐巴馬政府完成了美國投資保障協定範..

This article discusses major factors affecting offshore oil and natural gas exploration cooperation between the People’s Republic of China and the United States along China’s coast. Contact between the U.S. and China regarding offshore oil and natural gas exploration began in the Nixon Administration. After the reform and opening-up policy and the establishment of Sino-U.S. diplomatic relations, China expanded cooperation with the U.S. in offshore oil and natural gas exploration. However, there are existing territ..