日本首相握有解散眾議院的權力，眾議院解散後必然伴隨著眾議院的改選，而眾議院的多數勢力得以組閣執政，掌握國家龐大的政治資源。取得政權是政黨的最優先戰略目標，因此首相會選擇有利的時機解散眾議院。 以往的研究指出，首相解散眾議院通常有先決條與最佳時機。但是，安倍首相於 2014 年 11 月宣布解散眾議院的狀況，不同以往，甚至安倍首相自身提出的以暫緩提升消費稅為解散的理由，對選民而言亦欠缺說服力。既然如此，安倍首相為何還是宣布解散眾議院?本文..

The Japanese prime minister is empowered to dissolve the House of Representatives, which sets a stage for a general election that enables the parliamentary majority to form a new cabinet. The prime minister will choose a favorable opportunity to dissolve the House of Representatives in order to retain the regime. Previous studies have indicated that there are certain conditions and optimal timing for the prime minister to disband the House of Representatives. However, the dissolution announced by Prime Minister Abe..

歐盟與美國所推動之跨大西洋貿易與投資夥伴協定談判，被公認是國際貿易史上最大規模與最具野心之區域貿易協定。該協定試圖為跨大西洋市場訂定共同管制標準，並處理許多議題，如確保食品安全之問題，成為媒體輿論關注之焦點。本文擬就該協定與歐美食品安全法規合作之問題進行論述，尤其針對危害分析重要管制點制度進行討論。  

The Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership(TTIP)currently being negotiated by the United States and the European Union is widely considered as the largest and most ambitious regional free trade agreement in the history of international trade. It attempts to establish common regulatory standards for the transatlantic marketplace, dealing with many issues such as ensuring food safety, attracting media attention and public debates. This paper discusses the TTIP agreement and the US-EU cooperation on food safety regulatio..

2014 年 2 月爆發的烏克蘭危機是歐洲當前最嚴肅的區域安全挑戰，這不僅是因為烏克蘭危機使得歐洲再度出現區域衝突情勢，同時也因列強介入而使得地緣競爭強度漸趨激烈。學界多探討烏克蘭危機及其背後的歐洲地緣競爭意涵，然較少從烏克蘭內部安全策略選擇的角度分析，本文嘗試補充此等觀點，從內部因素出發，分析烏克蘭內部政治如何影響區域危機的發生。 本文認為:第一，烏克蘭受制於強權競爭，使烏克蘭與其他中間地帶國家，都必須在左右強權互動格局下進行回應與策..

Ukraine is situated strategically between EU and Russia. The outbreak of the Euromaidan Revolution(February 2014)designates the advent of severe geopolitical competition in the European continent. Though it is crucial to understand this competition through the lens of great power rivalry, small and medium countries that exert certain leverages between great powers also warrant our attention. We argue that the domestic approach is suitable to explain the transformation of Ukraine’s security choices. We first develop an a..

在食品安全暨衛生這個議題領域中，消費者、業者、政府是三個最主要的行為者(actors)。理論上，當此三個行為者的地位在市場上處於均衡狀態，就算彼此偏好(preferences)不同，食安品質仍得以維持一定水準。惟業者多半在實際上享有資訊優勢，並藉由此種優勢地位在市場交易過程中取得主導性影響，致使政府經常與其靠攏或是消費者受其宰制。有趣的是，臺灣因近幾年接續爆發各式各類食安醜聞，於是政府開始頻繁地修正食安法規並積極地介入市場進行管理。這使得上述三個行為者在食安..

Consumers, the food industry, and the government are the main actors in the area of food safety and the embedded domain of public health. Theoretically, only by balancing power among the three actors will desired food safety be maintained, even though the three actors have different preferences. Nevertheless, the industry frequently plays the leading role in the market because of its superiority in information possession. Thus, the government usually leans toward collaborating with the industry, leaveing consumers under indus..

1970 年代前後，西方曾有許多重大的學術知識「轉向」，旨在批判或修改邏輯實證論的基本結構。政治學界沒有抓好這個重要的轉折，故陷入方法論的困境，而無法調節學門內各領域的關連，形成「分桌吃飯」的局面。這個危機在冷戰驟然結束之時爆發，形成國關內部現實主義和建構主義的大論戰，其後又形成 2001 年美國「政治學的改造運動」。然而，都未能有效地化解政治學內部長年積壓的矛盾。本文認為，索緒爾開啟的現代語言學概念，以及維根斯坦科學哲學後期的逆轉，共同奠定了一道更寬廣的轉..

According to the language concepts defined by Ferdinand De Saussure and the late philosophy created by Ludwig Wittgenstein, this article attempts to point out a possible “turn” that may render the study of politics “an ecumenical science of politics” upheld by Gregory Kasza in the Perestroika movement of the discipline in 2001.