本研究探討 2003~2006 年期間，哈馬斯的政治轉型與其「抵抗方案」的關係。哈馬斯全名為「伊斯蘭抵抗運動」(Islamic resistance movement)，因過去在以色列境內，從事自殺炸彈活動，被西方國家列入恐怖組織名單。 2006 年 1 月 25 日巴勒斯坦舉行議會大選，出乎眾人意料，哈馬斯成為選舉最大贏家。許多學者認為哈馬斯在政治上的轉型並非偶然。例如 2003~2006 年期間，即使哈馬斯發動多起自殺炸彈攻擊，但受到外在與內在環境的改變..

The aim of this paper is to examine Hamas’ political transformation by scrutinizing its resistance project between 2003 and 2006. Hamas is an acronym of the ‘Islamic resistance movement’, which was founded in 1987. Due to its past record of suicide bombings inside Israel, Hamas had, in the past, been viewed by some Western countries as a terrorist organization. However, since the Palestinian Legislative Council(PLC)election held in January 2006, Hamas unexpectedly had the capability of forming a government i..

受到中央集權歷史傳統之影響，法國地方建制乃是以「鞏固行政權」或 「代行行政權」為特色;即使歷經了兩波「去中央集權化」，法國的行政權優勢性依然扮演重要角色，且造成中央集權與「地方分權」並進之現象。在進入第五共和時期後，「強行政、弱立法」的制度特徵，以及隨著修憲而逐步建立的「體制大總統化」，更確認了法國總統在行政權運作當中的核心定位，並使「優勢行政權」成為論述法國政治發展的重點。 從憲政研究的角度來看，論者經常是以「總統化」闡述法國憲政運作..

This paper reinvestigates dominant executive power in France. Due to France’s historical background as a highly centralized state, local governments play a role in “consolidating” or “acting for” executive power. Even though France has encountered two waves of reforms of decentralization, executive power is still more dominant than legislative power, a characteristic of the Fifth Republic. Nevertheless, amendments to the constitution have placed the President at the center of the operations of ex..

從當前國際關係諸多研究來看，小國安全政策尚未成為國際關係的研究主流，即便小國數目眾多，多數研究仍指出影響國際關係發展的主要因素還是大國間互動關係。但隨冷戰結束、兩極對抗體系瓦解，眾多新興國際議題重要性逐漸升高，學術研究逐步重視新興議題對國家間互動之影響。從這個面向來看，冷戰結束使得許多小國逐漸拋棄傳統對立的安全政策，將重心擺在更廣泛的安全面向並同時擴及到其他眾多新興領域。關於此點觀察，透過對歐盟小國的案例分析，可更清楚說明此一趨勢。由於歐盟制度設計使然，小國..

As great power politics are regarded as trend setters in international relations(IR), most contemporary IR studies often neglected small states’ foreign behaviors. However, after the end of the Cold War, bipolar confrontation of great powers no longer existed, attentions began to turn to small states in the realm of international relations. The author argues that, with the help of proper design of methodological approach, the extent of small states’ external..

半總統制是新興民主國家廣為採用的政府制度類型，而現有關於半總統制的研究不論是著重憲法規範或實證行為面向，對於總統常態性的政策權限設計和相關的決策機關配置的系統性探討較為欠缺。本文試圖藉由包括臺灣在內共 21 個半總統制民主國家憲法設計的探索，讓半總統制的研究和理論能觸及總統常態性的治理課題，是半總統制研究中的新嘗試。本文焦點在於系統性解析多個國家憲法中總統的政策權與決策機關之設計模式，並進一步探討其與半總統制憲法上的次類型和實際的運作類型之關係。藉由多國案例..

Semi-presidentialism has been a popular form of government in emerging democracies. However, systematic analyses on the presidents’ powers in policy-making or on the related mechanisms of their decision- making process have been scarce. To fill in the gap in the field, this article surveys the experiences of 21 democratic countries. With a focus on constitutional design of president’s powers in policy and decision-making mechanisms, this article also tries to discover their relationship with sub- types of semi-pre..

本文利用追蹤資料向量自我迴歸模型，檢證 2003~2012 年中美外援非洲的動機與成效。結果顯示，大國外援有相同之處:兩者外援目的，都不是基於國際道義考量，但大國外援也存在差異的地方:中國外援以現實利益為主，目的為確保其企業海外投資安全。美國外援則不局限在經濟利益而已，更加側重非傳統安全領域;換言之，美援強調的是綜合利益。中美兩國外援模式差異，肇因於彼此政府對自身所處國際體系地位的認知不同。  

In this paper, we used the panel data vector autoregression model (PVAR) to test motivation and effectiveness of the U.S. and China’s foreign aid (FA) in Africa. Empirical results show similarities in the great power’s foreign aid: the purpose of both great power’s FA is not based on international moral considerations. However there are also major differences between these two great power’s FA. Chinese FA is based on real interests and mainly aims to ensure safety of its outward foreign dire..