本文基於一國憲政體制類型會影響政府在COVID-19疫情時運作的方式，嘗試探討台灣半總統制政府如何回應疫情。研究焦點放在中央政府層次，探討總統、行政院院長、疫情指揮中心（指揮官）以及國會等部門的運作，並考量一致性政府和總統兼黨主席等因素的影響。研究發現，在總統權力優勢的半總統制下，蔡英文總統在處理疫情上的角色是多重的，藉由總統和黨主席雙重身份，她既是主要政策決定者，也同時介入政策執行的督導和措施的指示。相對而言，行政院院長暨其領導的相關部會仍是因應疫情的行政主體，不過因疫情指揮中心和指揮..

Based on the fact that the type of government system will affect the way the government operates during the COVID-19 epidemic, this article attempts to explore how Taiwan’s semi-presidential government handled the epidemic. The focus of the study is on the central government level, exploring the operations of the president, the president of the Executive Yuan, the epidemic command center (commander), and Congress, and considering the impact of factors such as unified government and the fact that the president is the chairman of a poli..

近年來國際關係理論面臨可能終結的危機，國際關係理論的三大典範：現實主義、自由主義與建構主義的發展呈現停滯的狀態，理論與政策應用之間的鴻溝也逐漸加深，以中程理論為導向的經驗研究逐漸取代了傳統國際關係理論強調通則化與系統性的分析架構。儘管國際關係理論仍有其重要性，但不論現實主義、自由主義與建構主義皆沒有預測到中國的崛起對國際政治所造成的變化，美國學界也開始反思過去對華交往政策的國際關係理論基礎。就臺灣的研究者而言，隨著從事中國大陸研究的限制增加，研究中國外交是否還能像過去那樣地依賴國際關係理..

In recent years, international relations theory has faced a potential crisis of obsolescence. The development of the three major paradigms—realism, liberalism, and constructivism—has stagnated, and the gap between theory and policy implications has widened. Empirical research guided by middle-range theories are replacing traditional international relations theory that emphasize generalization and systematic frameworks. Although international relations theory remains important, neither realism, liberalism, nor constructivism have..

對於強權並存且有爆發戰爭可能性的國際格局，戰爭由誰引發在學界的論點迥異。權力轉移理論認為崛起國基於不滿現狀，會對主導強權發起戰爭；另有聲音則認為衰退的國家基於預防性動機，會對崛起的對手採取行動；然而，權力轉移理論與預防性動機的論述，主要關注於戰爭的發動，此觀點反映一種以「戰爭」進行解析的框架，即探討國與國之間是否會發生戰爭。本研究則以另一個「非戰爭的攻防」的分析框架，論述主導強權與崛起國之間在兵戎之外的攻防行動。本文以美國在2022年施行的晶片與科學法案為例，論述美國對中國採行的非戰爭預..

In the international arena where powerful nations coexist, and the possibility of war exists, there are differing opinions on who triggers wars. Power transition theory suggests that a rising power will initiate war against a dominant power out of dissatisfaction with the status quo. Other argue that the declining state is motivated by preventive motivation to take action against rising adversary. However, both the power transition theory and the preventive motivation argument primarily focus on the initiation of war. This perspective refle..

隨著國際社會議題的多樣與複雜，解決各種國際議題不再單靠各國政府，加上民間團體的行為者崛起，政府如何與其互動與合作，共同解決受援國長期發展的結構性問題，則顯得越來越重要。理論上，NGO與政府之間若能有清楚分工及相互接受其角色，應可以建立一種相互增強的關係。但實際觀察卻發現，由於NGO的理想性高，加上若經費自主，就容易與政府保持距離並保持警戒，故雙方在國際援助議題上未必形成協力關係，甚至可能產生對立。     研究發現，以日本為例，影響該國NGO與政府協..

With the diversity and complexity of international issues, resolving international issues no longer rely on individual government entity. As civil society raises, how government cooperates with the civil society to resolve long-term constructive international problems has become more and more important. Theoretically, should non-governmental organizations (NGO) and the government have clear work scope and accept their roles, a mutual enhanced relationship can be built. However, NGOs are ideal in reality. And with self-sustained budget, NGOs..

近年來，亞太地區的風電新增裝置容量居於全球領先地位，占2021年全球離岸風電新增裝置容量的84%。然而，亞太各國在推動離岸風電建設的同時，也普遍面臨「多重使用衝突」的問題，尤其以漁業補償引發的爭議最為複雜。在處理離岸風電與漁業使用衝突方面，日本與韓國的經驗尤為重要。這兩個國家除了漁業補償的金錢補償機制之外，還採用多元的協調策略。因此，本研究旨在探討日本與韓國如何以更多元和更具有包容性的協調機制來處理離岸風電與漁業衝突的問題。 在再生能源協調機制的相關研究中，「共同所有權」（Co-..

In recent years, the Asia-Pacific region has taken the lead globally in wind power capacity additions, accounting for 84% of the global offshore wind power capacity added in 2021. However, the promotion of offshore wind power construction in various Asia-Pacific countries has faced the controversy of “conflict of multiple uses” with the coordination of fishery compensation disputes being the most complex. This study explores the possibility of establishing a new form of participation mechanism, in addition to the monetary compen..