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國際會議決策制定的建構觀點: 以領海寬度的形成為例
A Constructive View on Decision Making of International Conferences: Taking the Width of Territorial Sea as an Example
郁瑞麟(Ruei-Lin Yu)
即將出版
59卷4期(2020/12/01)

「第三屆聯合國海洋法會議」係迄今為止,聯合國所召開時間最長且規模最大的一次國際立法會議,部分學者將此會議的成功,歸因於「包裹交易」或「大國政治」的折衝。本文援引社會學領域的相關討論,使用 「意義框架」取代溫特的「共享概念」,對國際關係領域中的國際會議決策制定提出分析架構與可操作的觀察指標。此分析架構中的意義框架與行 為體行為兩者互為因果,處於一種動態的建構關係,而「共同期待」係為兩者的中介,若符合期待,兩者便趨於穩定;反之,則面臨調整。本文透過自1930年「國際法編纂會議」到1982年「..

The Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS III) might be the largest and longest international law codification conference thus far. Some scholars attribute the success of this conference to the “package deal” or “great power politics.” This paper adopts the view of constructivism and cites relevant discussions in the field of sociology and replaces Wendt’s “shared ideas” with “meaning framework” for proposing a new analysis framework with operational indicators fo..

美國總統公布對臺軍售的時機選擇: 行政部門通知國會審查的分析
The President’s Choice of Timing for Arms Sales to Taiwan: An Analysis of the Executive Branch’s Notification to Congress for Review
陳偉華(Wei-hua Chen)
即將出版
59卷3期(2020/09/01)

自我國與美國斷交後,過去40年來,美國政府對臺軍售始終為美國作為兩岸關係第三方影響的重要課題,亦為在兩岸間「衝突預防」的政策工具。美國對於臺灣的安全承諾,長期擺盪在安全利益與民主聲譽之間,亦根源於行政部門和國會之間的立場分野。有別於過去的分析途徑,本文從外交政策分析(FPA)的理論視角切入,以總統決策機制為分析單元,討論美國總統在對臺軍售決策機制中究竟扮演的關鍵角色,以總統任期、領導人安全觀及府會結構三項解釋變數,檢視歷屆美國總統對於公布軍售和..

Since the United States switched diplomatic recognition from Taipei to Beijing, the U.S arms sales to Taiwan have been a critical issue affecting the Cross-Strait relations for the past 40 years. In order to preserve stability in the Taiwan Strait, maintaining sufficient self-defense capability for Taiwan has been the major goal of the United States. However, the U.S security commitment to Taiwan has long been fluctuating between security interests and democratic reputation. It also depends on the stance of the executive bran..

道歉後的制度性安排: 澳洲條約機制引進對我國之啟發
Is Treaty-making a Way of Decolonization?: Learning from Australia’s Treaty Debates
黃之棟(Morgan Chih-Tung Huang)
即將出版
59卷3期(2020/09/01)

2016年8月1日原住民族日當天,蔡英文總統代表政府正式向原住民族道歉。自此之後,臺灣的原住民族政策便邁入了新頁。在眾多後續討論中,原住民族自治議題尤其受到族人與各界的關注。對此,現階段政府的規劃,是希望參酌美加紐等國經驗,透過「實質談判程序機制」來達到自治。此方案近似於前述原住民族先進國所採取的「條約模式」,也就是透過原住民族和國家(中央、地方政府)協商談判並簽訂協定的方式,來確認進而規範兩者間的關係。面對此一嶄新的方案,各界的討論卻相對有限。無獨有偶地,..

In 2016, President Ing-wen Tsai apologized to the Taiwanese indigenous peoples on behalf of the government, which is known as the National Apology. Echoing this National Apology, the Council of Indigenous Peoples reaffirmed its proposal called the “substantive negotiation process”. Before long, this innovative treaty-making provision opened a debate on whether or not such process can really fit in with Taiwan’s current constitutional and legal system. As a way to move forward, this article attempts to scruti..

法律資料分析與文字探勘:跨境毒品流動要素與結構研究
Applying Legal Analytics and Text Mining: Factors and Structure of the Cross-border Drug Trafficking
邵軒磊(Hsuan-lei Shao)吳國清(Kou-ching Wu)
即將出版
58卷2期(2019/06/01)

台灣約有六成毒品來自境外,因此「跨境」毒品流動為重要研究主題,亦關乎台灣在國際政治上之非傳統安全領域,但至今少有公開資訊。本研究使用法律資料分析法,探索七萬餘篇法院判決書作為文本資料,描繪「毒品案件要素與結構」。研究發現:(1)近年約有三分之二件毒品案件是累犯,所有案件中之四分之三可易科罰金,兩者佐證現實上監獄負擔過重問題。(2)近年關於毒品之7種犯罪方式之數量增長程度有顯著差異存在,犯案數量由大至小為「施用、持有、製造、販賣、轉讓、運輸、栽種」。(3)就近..

Illegal drug is a serious global problem today. It is necessary to understand its distribution and trafficking routes in order to tackle this problem. Moreover, it is estimated that approximately 60 percent of the illegal drugs in Taiwan came from overseas. Hence, the flaw of cross-border drug control is also an important issue in international affairs. This article uses legal analytics to study 71,629 judgements text involving drug-related crimes to grasp the picture of case factor and structure by text mining technology. It..

聯邦體制與選舉制度對不同層級選舉間選民政黨偏好轉移之影響:德國2013年至2017年聯邦眾議院及巴登—符騰堡邦議會選舉之實證研究
The Impact of the Federal System and the Electoral System on the Political Party Inclination of Voters at Different Levels of Election: An Empirical Study on the Bundestag and Baden-Württemberg Landtag Elections in Germany from 2013 to 2017
彭睿仁(Jui-Jen Peng)
即將出版
58卷2期(2019/06/01)

在德國多層級聯邦體制和單一選區兩票聯立制(Mixed-member pro-portional representation, MMP)作用下,聯邦眾議院(Bundestag)與邦議會(Landtag)選舉,常因不同層級間之政治連結(Politikverflechtung),形成相互影響的關係。故選民常將聯邦政府的執政效能,在邦議會選舉中直接歸責於執政黨在邦層級對應的參選政黨,而邦議會選舉因此也被視為「測試性選舉」(Testwahl)。依「次級選舉」(The..

Under the influence of the German multi-level federal system and mixed- member proportional representation (MMP), the Bundestag (the Federal Parliament) and the Landtag (the Representative Assembly) elections often form interrelated and interactive relations due to the political connections (Politikverflechtung) characteristic of different government levels. Therefore, in an ongoing Landtag election, voters often directly attribute the federal government’s ruling efficiency to the ruling party’s standing counterpa..

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