日本「防衛計畫大綱」的制定模式隨內外環境變化，政治菁英與官僚的政策功能不斷改變，而政官之間互動也成為影響防衛政策內容的主因。過去四期的制定模式變化從冷戰期間高度左右意識形態對立下政治菁英消極參與及官僚有限主導、冷戰後政黨脆弱共識下政治菁英有限參與及官僚有限主導、到 911 事件後內閣強力主導下官僚被動配合、與民主黨執政下的多元政治參與及官僚擔任專業幕僚，逐漸形成政官分工架構。其中，內閣與執政黨負責提供政治領導、政策方向、與政黨間共識形成;防衛官僚認知國際局勢..

The making of Japan’s National Defense Program Guidelines (NDPG)has been shifting from a limited bureaucratic-centric model under domestic ideological confrontation and political elites’ limited participation during and after the Cold War to the division of labor between political and bureaucratic elites during Koizumi’s “Kantei Diplomacy” and the Democratic Party of Japan(DPJ)era. The Cabinet and ruling party provide political leadership, policy direction, and consensus formation in the ruling c..

半總統制是新興民主國家廣為採用的政府制度類型，而現有關於半總統制的研究不論是著重憲法規範或實證行為面向，對於總統常態性的政策權限設計和相關的決策機關配置的系統性探討較為欠缺。本文試圖藉由包括臺灣在內共 21 個半總統制民主國家憲法設計的探索，讓半總統制的研究和理論能觸及總統常態性的治理課題，是半總統制研究中的新嘗試。本文焦點在於系統性解析多個國家憲法中總統的政策權與決策機關之設計模式，並進一步探討其與半總統制憲法上的次類型和實際的運作類型之關係。藉由多國案例..

Semi-presidentialism has been a popular form of government in emerging democracies. However, systematic analyses on the presidents’ powers in policy-making or on the related mechanisms of their decision- making process have been scarce. To fill in the gap in the field, this article surveys the experiences of 21 democratic countries. With a focus on constitutional design of president’s powers in policy and decision-making mechanisms, this article also tries to discover their relationship with sub- types of semi-pre..

國際原子能總署(IAEA)所倡議之核燃料多邊化方案，試圖透過多邊化機制，設立 IAEA 核燃料銀行，集中全球核燃料的生產、供應與銷售，從而避免各國在製造和平使用目的核燃料的保護傘下，研發並製作核武級原料，增加核武擴散之風險。IAEA 核燃料循環多邊化倡議之發展，涉及一國能否取得民用核燃料之供應保證，擁有核濃縮與再處理權利，以及擁有再處理技術會否遭遇國際制約的問題。該等倡議一旦成形，即可能開啟核條約課予第三國義務之濫觴，並衝擊 NPT 締約國和平使用核能之權益..

The nuclear fuel multilateral program promoted by the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) attempts to use multilateral mechanisms to establish the IAEA Nuclear Fuel Bank, in order to concentrate the worldwide production, supply and sale of nuclear fuel. The purpose of the program is to prevent countries from, under the guise of producing nuclear fuel for peaceful aims, to research, develop and manufacture weapon-grade nuclear raw materials, which increases the risk of nuclear proliferation. The development of IAEA multi..

被視為冷戰時期中最危險的古巴飛彈危機事件，持續吸引學者的研究興趣長達近半個世紀。特別是Kennedy白宮錄音帶此新證據之解密，對研究者而言呈現出重要的洞見暨困惑。儘管如此，鮮少研究透過外交信息傳遞之面向來探究此一歷史事件。信息傳遞此一針對國際危機解決之途徑認為，當面對國際衝突時，國家會傳達其對手具外交標的之「語言」與 「非語言」信息。就某種意義而論，決策者釋出之每一個信息與反信息，均意謂其自身策略性之意圖與關乎對手信息之反應。本文透過國際情境、菁英決策，以及外交信息傳遞等三個面向，針對古..

The Cuban Missile Crisis, one of the most dangerous events of the Cold War, has continued to attract academic attention for almost half a century, especially with the release of new evidence in the Kennedy tapes that presents researchers with insights as well as puzzles. Nevertheless, few, if any, studies have explored this historic event from a diplomatic signaling perspective. The signaling approach to international crisis resolution posits that in the face of international conflicts, a state disseminates verbal and/or nonverbal signals, ..

日本民主黨於 2009 年的眾議院選舉中擊敗執政的自由民主黨，黨魁鳩山由紀夫於 9 月 16 日成為日本首相。由於民主黨在參議院未過半，為了維持國會穩定運作，鳩山首相選擇與社會民主黨、國民新黨組成聯合內閣。 不過鳩山政權內部不斷出現閣員之間的對立，而鳩山首相始終無法處理這些政府決策過程之中所發生的混亂，學者與主要媒體多認為，發生混亂的原因是在於鳩山本人的領導能力不足。不過本論文認為，導致鳩山政權內部的混亂主因是民主黨建構的決策運作模式本..

Yukio Hatoyama, the chairman of the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ), succeeded to the Prime Minister of Japan on 16 September 2009 after DPJ won the 2009 Japanese general election. In the election, DPJ acquired 308 out of a total of 480 seats in the House of Representatives of Japan, while the Liberal Democratic Party(LDP), the former ruling party only acquired 119 seats. However, Hatoyama was thus forced to form a coalition government with the Social Democratic Party and the People’s New Party in response to a situatio..