2015 年 11 月，緬甸完成了歷史性的國會大選，由翁山蘇姬(Aung San Suu Kyi)帶領的全國民主聯盟一如外界預期獲得勝選。2016 年 3 月，緬甸新國會即將產生新的總統，進一步成為挑戰軍系勢力、推動戒律式民主 (disciplined democracy)再改造的關鍵領導人。緬甸民主發展正面臨脆弱轉型之際，儘管全民盟的勝選有利於延續緬甸之春(Burma Spring)的改革能量，但鑲嵌在制度設計中的各種「透明的不正義」(transparen..

Myanmar has successfully held its general election on November 8th 2015. As predicted, the National League for Democracy(NLD)led by Daw Aung San Suu Ki won the election, becoming the majority in the parliament. A new president, according to the Constitution, will be elected by the NLD- led parliament by March 2016, who may push forward political transformation of disciplined democracy while challenging the Tatmadaw. The winning of NLD will, for sure, invigorate Burma Spring; however, transparent injustice embedded in the Cons..

長期困擾菲律賓內部安定的菲律賓共產黨(菲共)，似乎是目前世界各恐怖組織的異數。因為菲共雖然面臨資源匱乏和策略工具失靈的困境，而數度瀕臨瓦解。不過，由於組織紀律嚴謹、戰略目標明確、意識形態完備加上能夠快速地調整形態，使得該組織仍得以續存迄今。 然而，就菲共的發展歷程、組織結構和治理經驗來觀察，可以發現如何汲取和運用社會資本似乎就成為菲共尋求生存發展的主要策略，因此社會資本與菲共的關聯性研究，也就成為本文亟待論證和剖析的命題所在。 ..

The Communist Party of the Philippines, CPP, has threatened domestic stability of the Philippines for a long time. CPP has been regarded as a deviant case of terrorist organizations in the world. Facing resource scarcity, strategic failure, and looming collapse, CPP retained unambiguous strategic targets, a strong ideology, and functioned under strict discipline. Its survival has been attributed to its efficient application of social capital. Thus, in this paper, we undertake an important task closely analyze CPP’s developmental proce..

本文為尋求解釋泰國在柏威夏寺爭議中的動機及柬埔寨的回應，將領土衝突與國族認同及國內政治等面向作出連結，揭示在以絕對控制的邊界觀為基礎的現代國族國家體系中，領土的歷史變遷在國族主義建構過程所扮演的角色，及其為政治人物留下可操作的空間。為達政治目的，政治菁英可選擇製造或操縱國族認同;同時，利用歷史的形塑或詮釋作為策略武器，引導國內觀眾朝向其所欲的結果，來為政權產生並提高政治正當性。不過，從實存的歷史發展過程來看，這種舉動經常會伴隨難以預料的後果。泰、柬柏威夏寺的..

This article explores the linkage among territory, nationalism and domestic politics through a case study of the Preah Vihear Temple dispute between Thailand and Cambodia. In the process of transformation from traditional kingdoms to modern nation-states, territorial changes are very important for nationalism and nation-building. They can provide political elites with chances to manipulate and secure self interest. To fan the flames of nationalism, political leaders or elites often re-construct and re-write national history a..

中日第二次戰爭(即對日抗戰，1937~1945 年)時期，交戰各方為爭奪南洋華僑群眾支持，遂發展政治論述(discourse)。由於「國族」(nation)並非東亞固有觀念，因此華僑國族認同成為當時重要課題。本研究將以戰時各方之調查報告、政策文獻、外交檔案為核心，研究「國共汪日」四方之華僑政治論述基礎、主要政策與華僑群體的應對過程。研究發現:華僑社群原接受中國傳統思想，以各種親屬與文化關係維繫對中國認同，故國民政府在當時以各種團體為中介，實行「抗日救國」的國..

During the Second Sino-Japanese War, a.k.a. War of Resistance (1937~1945), both China and Japan attempted to gain support from overseas Chinese using their different political discourses. The concept of “nation” was not originated in East Asia but highly propagandized during this war period. This article analyzed and compared various discourses on overseas Chinese mobilization submitted by four actors─Chiang(Choung- ching government ), Wang ( Nanking government ), Mao ( Yen-an government), and Empire Japan ─ using..

日本政府分別於 2001 年與 2009 年兩度改革預算制度，都是在內閣層級設立新的組織，移轉部分預算編列權限到內閣，希望透過改變編列預算的方式，來提高首相與內閣領導力，並解決各省廳的本位問題。前者是在內閣府設立經財政諮詢會議，後者則是分別在內閣官房與內閣府設立國家戰略室與行政刷新會議。儘管小泉內閣時期，透過經濟財政諮詢會議改革原有的預算編列方式，也成功地刪減財政支出，以及民主黨執政初期，行政刷新會議做出刪減預算的決定，國家戰略室也有設定降低財政赤字的目標，..

The Japanese government reformed its budget institutions and budget processes in 2001 and 2009, establishing the Council on Economic and Fiscal Policy(CEFP)in 2001, and the National Strategy Office(NSO)and the Government Revitalization Unit(GRU)in 2009. By moving the Ministry of Finance’s budget formulation authority to the Cabinet, it was expected that these new institutions would facilitate the prime minister’s leadership. However, despite institutional changes, the budget formulation processes and the existing ..