做為國際關係學門當中安全研究重要項目之一的「歐洲安全」，在經由冷戰時期與後冷戰時期的理論辯證與政策實踐進程，已成為相關領域的重要範例。本文將有系統的以區域安全、國際關係、全球體系三個不同層次面向理論當中各自所屬的理性主義與非理性主義做為理論架構，檢驗歐洲安全分別在冷戰與後冷戰時期的發展，以了解各理論的解釋效度與適用性。由本研究對於歐洲安全的交叉檢驗可以發現，冷戰時期以權力為安全關係核心，形成了長期區域集團對抗的國際雙極體系，因此，上述三個層次的理論當中的理性..

The dynamic development of European security in both theoretical debate and policy practice has made its research a momentous model in the field of security studies. This article aims at exploring various theoretical structures of European security by systematically examining both rationalism and non-rationalism in regional security, international relations theories, and global systems. Core issues of focus are allocated at three levels. The article applies a theoretical basis to the volatile evolution of European security du..

日本「防衛計畫大綱」的制定模式隨內外環境變化，政治菁英與官僚的政策功能不斷改變，而政官之間互動也成為影響防衛政策內容的主因。過去四期的制定模式變化從冷戰期間高度左右意識形態對立下政治菁英消極參與及官僚有限主導、冷戰後政黨脆弱共識下政治菁英有限參與及官僚有限主導、到 911 事件後內閣強力主導下官僚被動配合、與民主黨執政下的多元政治參與及官僚擔任專業幕僚，逐漸形成政官分工架構。其中，內閣與執政黨負責提供政治領導、政策方向、與政黨間共識形成;防衛官僚認知國際局勢..

The making of Japan’s National Defense Program Guidelines (NDPG)has been shifting from a limited bureaucratic-centric model under domestic ideological confrontation and political elites’ limited participation during and after the Cold War to the division of labor between political and bureaucratic elites during Koizumi’s “Kantei Diplomacy” and the Democratic Party of Japan(DPJ)era. The Cabinet and ruling party provide political leadership, policy direction, and consensus formation in the ruling c..

2015 年 11 月，緬甸舉行國會大選，由翁山蘇姬領導的全國民主聯盟(全民聯)獲得壓倒性勝利。2016 年 3 月，由全民聯所提名的翁山蘇姬親信 碇喬(Htin Kyaw)，順利在國會總統選舉中獲勝，並於 3 月 30 日正式宣誓就任緬甸新總統。其後，碇喬總統向國會提出的 21 個部會首長名單，也獲得國會通過。本文將先從碇喬內閣完整名單探討新政府人事布局的若干特點，並對照新政府近日相關的種種政治作為與安排，分析其欲展現的政治目標，以及對緬甸與中美大國關係所..

In November 2015, the National League for Democracy(NLD), led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, won a landslide victory in the general elections. In March 2016, the NLD nominee U Htin Kyaw, a confidant and proxy of Suu Kyi, successfully won the presidential election in the Union parliament, and was inaugurated as president on March 30. On May 25, President Htin Kyaw announced the final list of 21 ministers to assume control of 22 ministries. This paper discusses the characteristics of personnel composition of Htin Kyaw’s cabinet..

本文利用追蹤資料向量自我迴歸模型，檢證 2003~2012 年中美外援非洲的動機與成效。結果顯示，大國外援有相同之處:兩者外援目的，都不是基於國際道義考量，但大國外援也存在差異的地方:中國外援以現實利益為主，目的為確保其企業海外投資安全。美國外援則不局限在經濟利益而已，更加側重非傳統安全領域;換言之，美援強調的是綜合利益。中美兩國外援模式差異，肇因於彼此政府對自身所處國際體系地位的認知不同。  

In this paper, we used the panel data vector autoregression model (PVAR) to test motivation and effectiveness of the U.S. and China’s foreign aid (FA) in Africa. Empirical results show similarities in the great power’s foreign aid: the purpose of both great power’s FA is not based on international moral considerations. However there are also major differences between these two great power’s FA. Chinese FA is based on real interests and mainly aims to ensure safety of its outward foreign dire..

相對於泰國與馬來西亞，印尼是東南亞最早發展汽車業的國家，也有內需市場支撐，但是印尼並沒有像泰國成為亞洲的底特律，也沒有如馬來西亞建立起國家汽車品牌，而成為「有市場無技術」的「無科技工業化」。本文以政治經濟學領域中的「制度分析」途徑，就國家干預、政商關係、跨國產業分工等三個角度分析印尼汽車產業失靈的原因。受限於印尼政治經濟的結構因素，本文發現印尼汽車產業失靈的原因在於:在產業發展時期國家的干預政策沒有「學習」與「管理」市場;本土資本未建立產業所需相對的供應鏈，..

With respect to Thailand and Malaysia, Indonesia was first in Southeast Asia to develop a automotive industry, supported by the domestic market. But Indonesia did not become the “Detroit of Asia” as Thailand, or establish national brands as Malaysia. On the contrary, Indonesia is a “huge market without technology,” an “Industry Without Industrialization.” This paper adopts an institutionalist approach with three aspects – state intervention, government-business relations, a..