本文根據國際貨幣的內涵與貨幣國際化的前提條件，分析中國推動人民幣國際化的主要措施與目前人民幣國際化的程度，並評估人民幣國際化的未來展望。由於國際貨幣的使用具有很強的慣性，以美元與歐元為主的國際貨幣具有先占者優勢，加上中國的資本管制與金融發展程度偏低等因素的制約，人民幣要成為全球性的國際貨幣，應該是很遙遠的事。但是基於地緣關係、經貿關係與相對的經濟實力，短期內(例如 3 至 5 年)人民幣應該可以在周邊國家扮演貿易計價貨幣的角色。如果中國能夠在這段期期間逐步實..

Based on the connotation of international currency and the preconditions of currency internationalization, this paper investigates the measures taken by the Chinese government to promote the internationalization of the RMB and assesses the current state and prospect of the RMB as an international currency. As the hierarchy of international currencies has a strong inertia, together with strict capital controls and a low level of financial development in China, it will take quite a long time before the RMB emerges as a global c..

俄羅斯擁有世界最多的天然氣、第二大煤礦及第八大原油蘊藏量，這些豐富的天然資源使俄羅斯具備實施能源外交的優越地緣政治經濟條件。從二十一世紀開始，俄羅斯已經逐漸改變前蘇聯政府時期依靠軍事與政治力量來確保其國際地位的策略，轉而利用天然資源，特別是豐富的天然氣，作為經濟發展與對外關係的重要手段。而普欽政府將天然氣的營運與巨大獲益全都收歸國家管理及控制，是其得以將此一能源權力發展為對歐洲外交戰略與恢復過去大國地位的基礎。本文擬以蘇珊‧史翠菊(Susan Strange..

Russia holds the world's largest natural gas reserves, the second-largest coal reserves, and the eighth-largest crude oil reserves. These plentiful natural resources allow Russia to obtain excellent geopolitical and geoeconomic conditions to carry out its foreign energy strategies. Since the beginning of the 21st century, Russia has transformed from former USSR’s foreign policy which depended on military and political powers for ensuring its international position into the current policy of utilizing natural resourc..

國際關係歷史社會學承諾要打破主流國際關係學界中的歐洲中心論 (Eurocentrism)，但至今為止很少有人從事具體的歷史社會學經驗研究來兌 現這個承諾。許田波(Victoria Tin-Bor Hui)對近代早期歐洲與上古中國的國家形成做出具有開創性的比較研究是少數的例外，她探索的主要問題是何以歐洲國家間的軍事競爭會維持一種競爭性的多國體系，而中國的戰國體系最終卻匯歸為一統帝國?她認為秦國能統一中國主要是因為它進行了自強型的改革，而歐洲國家則多半採取了自弱..

Historical sociology in international relations promises to undermine the Eurocentrism that is characteristic of mainstream international relations theories. To date, however, few empirical studies in historical sociology have been carried out to deliver on that promise. Victoria Tin-Bor Hui’s ground- breaking comparative study of state formations in early modern Europe and ancient China is a rare exception. The main question she addresses in her work is why under similar pressure of military competition, Europe continu..

東協各國政府廣泛地認為，南海爭端是冷戰後東南亞主要的「衝突引爆點」。它也對東協的團結及其有關和平解決爭端的規範帶來了嚴峻的考驗。由於並非所有東協成員國都是南海島礁的聲索國，因此，東協對南海的共識與立場始終受到各國在南海不同利益的影響而罕有「一致性」，而東協決策的模式也顯示其南海政策立場的結構性問題。對南海衝突管理與海域劃界涉及的東協會員國至少有越南、菲律賓、馬來西亞與汶萊，印尼和新加坡的立場也值得關注。本文目的是探討作為一個整體的東協，如何回應南海緊張局勢的..

The South China Sea(SCS)dispute was widely viewed by ASEAN governments as the major ‘flashpoint of conflict’ in the post-Cold War Southeast Asia. It also posed a serious test of ASEAN’s unity and of its norms concerning peaceful settlements of disputes. Because not all ASEAN member countries are the claim countries of the SCS islands and reefs, therefore, the consensus and position of ASEAN on the SCS have always been rare "consistency" due to different interests in the SCS. ASEAN decision-making s..

2011 年 5 月 2 日美國特種部隊攻擊賓拉登(Osama bin Laden)之住處並且結束長達十年對於頭號國際恐怖分子的追擊，在此之後，各國對於此事件的反應呈現出不同的面貌。本文將以實證方法研究美國與各國的外交關係、各國對賓拉登事件的反應、主要媒體評論之間的互動關連，整理出支持與不支持美國的總表。本研究亦將思考:在採取爭議性的方法達成其國家利益的同時，美國霸權是否可以在未來持盈保泰?本研究所採取的新聞分析方法，是否能夠提供外交政策研究更多的可能性? ..

As the U.S. special forces thundered into Bin Laden’s compound and terminated the decade long chase of the most wanted terrorist on May 2, 2011, the global reaction to this incident presented diverse versions for interpretation. This empirical study answers the questions: can the U.S. identify those who support or oppose its foreign policy by their reactions to the Bin Laden incident? By probing into the governmental archives and major media in selected countries, this research answers two more important questions: has ..