台灣四大族群的比例，在過去有戶籍資料身分可供參考，而在民國 81 年之戶籍法新修正規定，除原住民身分與族別外，其他族群並不記載。因此族群間的明顯分界線一夕消失，然而四大族群仍然存在。 欲瞭解現今台灣四大族群間的人口比例，通婚情況是必要瞭解的問題。本研究發現，過去傳統以父親為主要認同的方式，正逐漸發生變化，而這與父母親輩之族群通婚有相當大的關係。尤其以目前台灣在社會政治上，皆以台灣優先為本位，而本省閩南族群又為優勢族群，因此只要與本省閩南..

There used to be household registration data on the percentage of the major four Taiwanese ethnic groups. However, based on the amended Household Registration Law in 1992, only indigenous people and their tribes are identified in the database. While the distinct categorization among the four groups blurred overnight, the four groups remain. In order to understand the population percentage among the four groups, it’s necessary to understand the inter-group marriage. In this research, it has found that the trad..

當前兩岸關係基本結構為「政治疏離、經濟融合」。因此，如何掌握經濟「影響」政治的力量，便成為前瞻兩岸未來的重要憑藉，另方面，如何利用或防範經濟左右政治的力量，則成為兩岸相互攻防的關鍵場域。故自胡錦濤主導對台政策後，即持續強化「寄希望於台灣人民」的各種所謂「惠台」措施，希望以此促進兩岸和平統一，但能否發揮其所期待的作用，迄今未見比較系統的評估，有鑒於此，本文根據近期民調資料，分別就一般民眾及目標社群進行觀察，分析其對中觀感與政治立場的變化，藉以蠡測此類「以經促統..

The confrontation across the Taiwan Strait has been extended from the Cold War years to the global era. Under the new circumstance, cross-Strait exchanges and contacts are not only close but also indispensible for both. And, such socioeconomic ties can be easily employed as instruments to achieve political goals. Motivated by the logic, after Hu Jintao being in charge, China has shifted its Taiwan policy from “more sticks” to “extra carrots.” The core elements of Hu’s economic statecraft are &ldq..

在新回合農業談判中，現有糧食援助規範是否會產生商業排擠與間接出口補貼效果引起許多爭論。本文由《過剩處理與諮商義務之原則》出發，探討其與 WTO 談判之關連性，並剖析對我國的影響與因應之道。本文發現未來 WTO 對於糧食援助之要求將轉趨嚴格，我國的「糧食人道援外作業要點」原則上雖符合 WTO 未來新規範之方向，但在規範的陳述與對糧援類型的定義上仍略有差異。為了確保我國糧食援外工作得以持續推展，我國必須在談判中爭取實物糧援於非緊急情況時得以實施，以及糧援需求評估..

During the WTO Doha Round agricultural negotiations, there are many debates about whether the existing food aid rules are responsible for creating commercial displacement and indirect export subsidy effects. This study begins with investigating the relationship between the “Principles of Surplus Disposal and Consultative Obligations” and the WTO negotiations, followed by exploring the implications of new WTO disciplines on Taiwan’s food aid policies. We find that the negotiation is working toward more effect..

德國地方政府的行政區域重劃源自十九世紀末，甚至更早以前，不過，實施的範圍有限，而且主要集中在工業發達的魯爾區(Ruhrgebiet)。一直到 1960 年代因為社會變遷、經濟蓬勃發展，機動性的提高，人民對地方政府的要求不斷提高，而地方政府卻因為規模太小、行政能力薄弱，難以滿足人民的需求。而另一方面，由於地方自治的實質內容減少，地方自治的意義不斷被質疑，於是為了強化地方政府的治理能力、提升地方政府的行政能力和效率以及落實地方自治的精神，德國各邦政府從 1960..

The territorial reform in Germany at the local government level began in the end of the 19th century or even earlier. But the scale and the scope of its implementation was very limited and happened in the majority of cases in the Ruhr area. During the 1960s, the social situation had changed greatly, the economy boomed, and the mobility increased; the demand of people for local government had gradually enhanced on the one hand, but the real substance of self-administration had evidently reduced, so that the meaning of self- ad..

受到 1980 年代起國際關係理論第三次大辯論的影響，政治地授學者與國際關係學者也將後設理論的爭論帶進地緣政治研究，後現代地緣政治或批判性地緣政治是運用後結構主義、後現代主義與批判理論作為其論述的哲學基礎。批判性地緣政治是質疑傳統地緣政治的本體論與知識論的前提假定，解構傳統地緣政治對世界政治的觀察，以及挑戰其以國家為中心的政治實踐。也就是解構傳統地緣政治的霸權論述，以及質疑在主要強國的地緣政治實踐所發現的權力關係。批判性地緣政治研究影響了地緣政治研究的方向與內涵，擴展了其研究議題，但要改..

Due to the influence of the third Great Debate on International Relations Theory in the 1980s, scholars in Geopolitics and International Relations have brought the debates of metatheory into geopolitical research. They have used Post structuralism, Postmodernism, and Critical Theory philosophical foundations to question traditional geopolitics about its ontological and epistemological assumptions, to destructure its perspectives on world politics, and to challenge its state-centered political practices. Therefore, they have been called the ..