本文擬由英國的經驗來探討台灣的醫療資源配給問題，期能藉此對台灣現階段的資源配給議題提出具體的建議。本文所指的英國經驗，包括英國政府或民間所實施的實務經驗，以及英國本土學者所進行的理念論戰，因為實務與理論對於台灣的具體政策建議具有同等重要性。 本文分為四個段落，第一個段落先就名詞作界定，並陳述資源配給的層級與型式，以作為討論的基礎。第二段探討資源配給的若干原則，包括以需要為基礎的效率、公平和可行性三個原則的取捨，區分決策層級的配給原則，以及說明配給過程中應由資訊亦或機構取得優先地位..

This article aims to explore the experience of rationing of healthcare resources in the UK, and its implications for the healthcare system reform in Taiwan. The UK experience of rationing mentioned in this article includes the practical policy or clinical issues faced by the UK government, as well as the theoretical or conceptual debates among researchers in the UK. It is revealed that the practical and theoretical issues have equivalent impact on the policy implications for healthcare rationing in Taiwan. Four sections are presented. T..

在調查資料的累積下，研究者可運用計量方法來進行以「比較問題」為目的之實證研究。在問題取向上除了針對特定主題進行跨年度的比較外，學者也關注不同國家或區域的比較研究，也可依理論設定，對特定標的從事比較問題設定。 本文的目的在於從方法論出發，探討從事計量研究時所應關切的比較問題邏輯。首先，作者說明比較研究的問題本質，並提出比較單元與分析單位異同時的不同研究架構;接著進一步討論在比較的架構下，如何運用適當計量模型設定方式，方能對於比較問題提出直..

In recent years, it is possible that researchers apply quantitative method to comparative inquiries by the accumulation of cross-sectional survey data. Accordingly, some political scientists start to explore and study comparative inquiries tested by pooled cross sectional data, sorted by the units such as time, countries and some specific subjects guided through theoretical postulates. This paper is concerned about the logic and application of quantitative research methodologically, especially in comparative inquir..

台海兩岸自 1949 年分裂至今，雙方的政策雖歷經不同階段的調整，但仍無法突破僵局。中共始終不放棄以武力方式解決台灣問題的可能性，堅持對台灣使用武力乃其處理國內事務之主權合法行使，不受國際法的限制。本文從國際法禁止使用武力原則的目的與相關實踐來看，此原則不僅針對國家，也對包括事實實體在內的其它國際法人適用。現階段台灣在國際法下的國家地位雖有些爭議，但不影響其作為一個受國際法規範與保障的事實實體。不過，在兩岸關係中，由於中共堅持台灣問題為中國內政，且國際社會對..

The stand-off across the Taiwan Strait has, since 1949, continued to divide the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and the Republic of China (Taiwan). The PRC still insists that the Cross-Strait situation is an internal affair of China, and thus it upholds the position that using force against Taiwan is a legitimate exercise of sovereignty under international law. This article argues that, based on relevant practices, non-use of force as a principle under customary international law applies not only to States, but also to..

近年來，深綠選民經常認為是陳水扁總統在個人危機，或是民進黨在選戰中的主要訴求對象，因而凸顯了深綠選民的重要性。本文主要的目的在於探討深綠選民應該如何測量及定義，以及他們是否真的是泛綠陣營選票的主要來源。作者根據台灣意識、台灣人政權以及政黨認同的概念，建構三個不同的指標，以測量及定義深綠選民。分析結果發現:以指標的表現而言，三個指標各有其優缺點，但在 TEDS2005M 的資料中，以台灣人政權指標的整體表現較佳。三個指標所定義的深綠選民，投票給泛綠候選人的比例..

Conventional wisdom holds that when President Chen Shui-bian faces personal crises, as well as in the Democratic Progressive Party’s (DDP) election campaigns, Chen and the party always appeal to the so-called “deep- green voters” for support, such that these voters factor prominently in determining election outcomes. The purpose of this paper is to define and measure deep-green voters, and also to examine whether the support of deep- green voters is vital for the pan-green parties. The author creates three i..

台灣與俄羅斯都是在第三波民主化浪潮時，從威權或極權政體走向民主政體的國家。然而，兩國的民主政治發展卻有截然不同的結果。本文的主要目的，乃是在探討 1995 年至 2005 年之間，台灣與俄羅斯在民主發展上的異同。首先，針對民主鞏固之概念作概括性的整理與解釋;其次，說明台灣與俄羅斯民主發展之過程;接著，以民主轉型與民主鞏固的模型，深入比較台灣與俄羅斯民主化進程之差異;最後，則進一步提出台灣邁向民主鞏固與俄羅斯發生民主崩潰的觀察。 &..

Both Taiwan and Russia became democracies during the period of Third Wave of Democratization. However, the results of democratization for each turned out to be completely different. The main purpose of this paper is to examine the similarities and dissimilarities of democratic developments during the period of 1995-2005. The concept of democratic consolidation and relevant ideas is clearly explained in the first section, also showing the process of Taiwan and Russia’s democratic developments. In addition, models of demo..