自從1989年共黨統治垮台之後，波蘭曾被視為前東歐共黨集團國家中最為成功的民主轉型和歐洲整合範例;然而，2015年「歐洲難民危機」 爆發之後，在「法律與公正黨」(PiS)領銜之下，伴隨著基進的反難民(移民)言論，卻為波蘭點燃前所未見的右翼狂潮，不僅已經成為二戰法西斯主義之後最顯眼的政治現象，也為現代西方自由民主政體制度帶來嚴峻的挑戰。從一個較為廣泛的波蘭脈絡出發，本文將從政治、文化和歷史三個面向，剖析難民危機安全化、基進反難民(移民)論述和今日政治右翼霸權(..

Since the fall of Communism in 1989, Poland has once been viewed as the most successful example of the democratic transition and European integration among former Eastern bloc nations. In the wake of 2015’s refugee crisis, however, a full-outbreak of Poland’s political right-wing movement with their radical anti-refugee/immigrant rhetoric, led by ‘Law and Justice’ (PiS), has already become the most striking political phenomenon in Europe since WWII’s fascism and posed a comprehensive challenge to..

本文主要的目的在於爬梳社會科學方法論中因果機制分析的發展和演進，並進一步評估政治學研究中如何運用因果機制來進行解釋以及討論相關的解釋效力的問題。本文將具體評析政治學國際關係領域中民主和平論之論點，以此來衡量政治學運用因果機制解釋的優勢和侷限。因果機制研究層面上，本文聚焦在機制的定義和類型、機制的觀察性、因果機制與因果關係、法則和中介變數的差異、機制的層次、機制的運作和測量、機制的路徑圖。因果機制運用層面上，本文側重於民主和平論的源起和演進、 民主和平論的重要論述、對於民主和平論的挑戰以及..

The main purpose of this paper is to parse out the development and evolution of causal mechanism and to further evaluate how political research adopts the method of causal mechanism to explain and discuss the explanatory effect in the field of qualitative methods. Our focus is to shed light on the causal mechanism of democratic peace theory in the field of international relations and to gauge its advantages and restraints. On the dimension of causal mechanism, this paper focuses on the definition of mechanism, observation of causal mechanis..

本文目的在探究委內瑞拉查維茲總統執政期間，以國家力量打造的國有糧食生產體系與相關制度，為何以及如何導致委內瑞拉走向更仰賴糧食進口，並於國際石油價格崩跌之後陷入嚴重的物資「短缺」。   本文從制度論出發，制度互補作為分析架構，並結合國家角色與國家結盟進行分析，目的在探究2001~2013年間查維茲總統在「糧食主權」和 「二十一世紀社會主義國家轉型」政策框架下啟動的一系列糧食與農業政策，包括:土地改革與再分配、糧食市場銷售計劃、食品加工與零售部門國有化，以及價格和匯..

The paper examines the Venezuelan food and agricultural policies imposed by ex-President Hugo Chávez during 2001-2013 in order to explore why and how Venezuela became heavily reliant on food importation and eventually led to severe food shortage in 2014 when oil price collapsed.   The research uses institutionalism and institutional complementarity as analytical framework, aiming at exploring how a series of food and agricultural policies, namely, land reform, price and exchange control, and nationalization of agroindustry sec..

「第三屆聯合國海洋法會議」係迄今為止，聯合國所召開時間最長且規模最大的一次國際立法會議，部分學者將此會議的成功，歸因於「包裹交易」或「大國政治」的折衝。本文援引社會學領域的相關討論，使用 「意義框架」取代溫特的「共享概念」，對國際關係領域中的國際會議決策制定提出分析架構與可操作的觀察指標。此分析架構中的意義框架與行 為體行為兩者互為因果，處於一種動態的建構關係，而「共同期待」係為兩者的中介，若符合期待，兩者便趨於穩定;反之，則面臨調整。本文透過自1930年「國際法編纂會議」到1982年「..

The Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS III) might be the largest and longest international law codification conference thus far. Some scholars attribute the success of this conference to the “package deal” or “great power politics.” This paper adopts the view of constructivism and cites relevant discussions in the field of sociology and replaces Wendt’s “shared ideas” with “meaning framework” for proposing a new analysis framework with operational indicators fo..

自我國與美國斷交後，過去40年來，美國政府對臺軍售始終為美國作為兩岸關係第三方影響的重要課題，亦為在兩岸間「衝突預防」的政策工具。美國對於臺灣的安全承諾，長期擺盪在安全利益與民主聲譽之間，亦根源於行政部門和國會之間的立場分野。有別於過去的分析途徑，本文從外交政策分析(FPA)的理論視角切入，以總統決策機制為分析單元，討論美國總統在對臺軍售決策機制中究竟扮演的關鍵角色，以總統任期、領導人安全觀及府會結構三項解釋變數，檢視歷屆美國總統對於公布軍售和..

Since the United States switched diplomatic recognition from Taipei to Beijing, the U.S arms sales to Taiwan have been a critical issue affecting the Cross-Strait relations for the past 40 years. In order to preserve stability in the Taiwan Strait, maintaining sufficient self-defense capability for Taiwan has been the major goal of the United States. However, the U.S security commitment to Taiwan has long been fluctuating between security interests and democratic reputation. It also depends on the stance of the executive bran..