自華盛頓共識以降，拉美國家落實新自由主義政策與結構調整，卻無力解決根深蒂固的貧窮與社會不均問題。進入後華盛頓共識時代，懸而未解的發展難題催促拉美國家繼續尋求替代發展的道路，並促成二十一世紀前十八年南美洲興起一波反新自由主義的左派政權，又稱「粉紅色浪潮」。這波趨勢的共同性在於:都試圖解決獨尊市場經濟遺留的社會不公與貧窮問題，並尋求一個兼顧經濟成長與更合理社會分配的替代發展方案。 事實上，拉美替代發展方案經常是「價值理性」取向的，政治領袖又深..

In the post-Washington Consensus era, the pending social inequality and poverty have pushed South American New Left governments to seek “alternative developments” in the dawn of the 21st century, which is the so-called “Pink tide.” These governments’ motive is to seek an alternative development plan to address the social injustice and poverty left by market economy under the neoliberal model. In fact, the common feature of this alternative development trend is characterized by a strong..

武裝衝突期間軍隊保護人類文化資產的角色，國際人道法、國際人權法與國際刑法訂有相關的義務及規範，但此義務或法律規範具體的落實則是有賴於國際組織與強國(主要是美國)在不同的戰爭或武裝衝突期間的實際經驗。即使美國在2003年伊拉克戰爭前已經規劃保護當地文化資產的措施，軍隊及其盟軍仍遭致批評未能保護文化資產。後續2004年在科索沃戰爭期間未能保護東正教(Eastern Orthodox)修道院及防止種族屠殺之間的兩難、2005年在伊拉克薩馬拉(Samarra)歷史1..

This research tries to explore the evolution of international laws regarding the cultural property protection (CPP) during the event of armed conflict with armed forces having obligations to protect cultural property from Law of War, International Humanitarian Law, Law of International Human Rights and International Criminal Law. However, the international practices were based on the interactions of international politics and international laws have been played by great powers (particularly United States) in wars or armed con..

全球暖化改變了北極的地緣政治格局，也促使中國參與北極事務。北極為中國提供的機會包括:縮短通往歐洲和北美港口的航運距離，增加貿易競爭力;有助中國北方港口城市發展不同定位的港埠經濟，及改善中國東北地區的經濟結構;有助於中國取得北極蘊藏豐富的天然資源;及有助於緩解中國當前面臨的安全問題，如「麻六甲困境」。但中國也遇到若干挑戰，包括:北極海冰構成航行威脅，航運成本也會增加;北極國家對中國涉足北極的疑慮;偏重於亞洲的貿易格局制約中國對北極的投入;以及中國技術能量不足等..

Global warming has changed geopolitics of the Arctic and prompted China to participate in the Arctic affairs. The Arctic offers many opportunities for China. First, it shortens the shipping distances to European and North American ports in order to increase trade competitiveness. Second, it develops different kinds of harbor economy and improve economic structures in the northeast of China. Third, it is able to acquire rich natural resources in the Arctic. Fourth, the Arctic can ameliorate China’s security problems, suc..

歐盟整合成員國政策並建立監控外資活動機制的努力，自2017年9月執委會提議以來，進展迅速並已於2019年2月獲歐洲議會立法通過，相關文件均以中國大陸資金在歐併購為案例。本文回顧歐中投資爭議開端，申論其源於對外經貿與產業發展理念差異，而近期中方透過「一帶一路」、「中國製造2025」指令下的海外投資併購，試圖同時解決產能過剩與產業升級目標，使雙邊爭端白熱化。除前述中方政策對歐盟可能影響外，本文亦將討論歐盟因應策略，中方可能反制措施，以及當前情勢對於歐中雙方後續作..

In this paper, we argue that China’s current strategies including Made in China 2025 and Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) with large scale mergers and acquisitions are still consistent with the so-called “divide and rule” principle with respect to the European Union (EU) since 2005. Furthermore, there will be some leading and potential industries through the above approach, even though the problems of overcapacity and inefficiency still exist. On the basis of the bilateral trade and investment strategies, we a..

作為對資料導向研究的反思與補充，強調意義開發的厚資料研究途徑於2013年被提出，國內外的相關研究至今仍在探索階段。本文以中國研究中的政治經濟議題作為例子，展示如何以厚資料研究途徑突破與研究對象相關之數據失真的問題。本文主張有意義的數據資料使用是立基於相關行動者的辨認之上，研究者必須能夠釐清兩個問題:形成數據資料趨勢的相關行動者是誰，以及相關行動者的利益與行為動機結構為何。後者將促使研究者將行動者行為之所以產生的脈絡帶入分析中，以此瞭解人類從事該行為的意義。 ..

As a reflection and supplement to data-driven research, thick data was firstly proposed as a complementary method of using data to engage in mean- ing mining in 2013. Through the case of Chinese political economy, this ar- ticle demonstrates how the use of thick data enables researchers to overcome the problem of data distortion. It argues that meaningful use of data sources is based on the identification of actors. In order to do so, researchers are required to answer the following two questions: Who are the actors contribut..