自我國與美國斷交後，過去40年來，美國政府對臺軍售始終為美國作為兩岸關係第三方影響的重要課題，亦為在兩岸間「衝突預防」的政策工具。美國對於臺灣的安全承諾，長期擺盪在安全利益與民主聲譽之間，亦根源於行政部門和國會之間的立場分野。有別於過去的分析途徑，本文從外交政策分析(FPA)的理論視角切入，以總統決策機制為分析單元，討論美國總統在對臺軍售決策機制中究竟扮演的關鍵角色，以總統任期、領導人安全觀及府會結構三項解釋變數，檢視歷屆美國總統對於公布軍售和..

Since the United States switched diplomatic recognition from Taipei to Beijing, the U.S arms sales to Taiwan have been a critical issue affecting the Cross-Strait relations for the past 40 years. In order to preserve stability in the Taiwan Strait, maintaining sufficient self-defense capability for Taiwan has been the major goal of the United States. However, the U.S security commitment to Taiwan has long been fluctuating between security interests and democratic reputation. It also depends on the stance of the executive bran..

2016年8月1日原住民族日當天，蔡英文總統代表政府正式向原住民族道歉。自此之後，臺灣的原住民族政策便邁入了新頁。在眾多後續討論中，原住民族自治議題尤其受到族人與各界的關注。對此，現階段政府的規劃，是希望參酌美加紐等國經驗，透過「實質談判程序機制」來達到自治。此方案近似於前述原住民族先進國所採取的「條約模式」，也就是透過原住民族和國家(中央、地方政府)協商談判並簽訂協定的方式，來確認進而規範兩者間的關係。面對此一嶄新的方案，各界的討論卻相對有限。無獨有偶地，..

In 2016, President Ing-wen Tsai apologized to the Taiwanese indigenous peoples on behalf of the government, which is known as the National Apology. Echoing this National Apology, the Council of Indigenous Peoples reaffirmed its proposal called the “substantive negotiation process”. Before long, this innovative treaty-making provision opened a debate on whether or not such process can really fit in with Taiwan’s current constitutional and legal system. As a way to move forward, this article attempts to scruti..

公私協力夥伴關係近年來成為南南合作的重要模式，隨著自身經濟實力的增長，南方國家廠商也開始參與其他發展中國家興建基礎建設。有鑑於先行文獻對此現象經常採行對外直接投資的研究框架，較為輕忽公共建設的特質與偏重投資的負面效果，本文以中國廠商參與泰國與緬甸的海外公共建設項目為例，進行理論建構工作。研究發現民營企業即使獨資取得地主國的公私協力夥伴計畫，也不致於衍生爭議;相對地，中央型國有企業參與基礎建設計畫較易遭遇政治反抗，但如果採行與當地或者他國際廠商的合資形式，則可..

South-South Cooperation is believed to facilitate development smoothly. However, why do some projects of public-private partnership in infrastructure (PPI) between Southern countries create contention while others do not? This research argues that types of enterprises and interfirm cooperation are two determinants of contentious politics against foreign involvement in PPI in Southern countries. To explain how this mechanism works, I focus on Chinese firms’ port and power construction PPI in Thailand and Myanmar. The com..

當中國「對外直接投資」(Foreign Direct Investment，簡稱FDI)大幅湧入世界各國後，被投資國對於中國資金的質疑與恐懼也逐漸浮現，例如:歐洲各國擔憂中資入主後，將降低歐陸勞工的待遇;澳洲民眾與國會反對中資併購國內農場等。然而，上述恐慌卻與文獻資料分析存有歧異， 爬梳有關中國對外直接投資之於被投資國的影響等相關研究後發現，中國資金並未帶來「紅色政治」，且中資與其他國家投資的運作方式亦無明顯差異。雖然中資並未對被投資國產生預期的傷害和損失，..

While foreign direct investment (FDI) flows from China to other countries in the world, some recipients have shown their fear and question toward China’s investment. For instance, European countries are afraid of the degradation of labor and environmental standard after embracing investment from China to their industries;, while Australia’s public and media blame China’s investment on real estate for the rising housing price. However, after carefully reviewing discussions on each case in the literature, it c..

日本自約1990年代末期推動「平成大合併」，擬將約3200個市町村自治體整併為約1000個，以利區域廣域政策的推動，並減少地方自治體的行政營運費用。然而，自治體的存續為憲法所保障，尤其在民主時代，日本中央政府難以用強制的手段大規模進行市町村自治體的合併。因此，有些市町村在沒有行政區域合併的情況下，選擇用跨域治理的方式達成廣域治理的需要。 而為解決廣大區域的共同治理課題，實務上常以地方自治體間的「行政區域合併」或是跨域治理來因應大都市周邊..

Japan has promoted the Great Heisei Mergers since the late 1990’s. Under this program, the Japanese government planned to merge approximately 3200 villages, towns, and cities into roughly 1000; thereby facilitating the promotion of regional policies and reducing the administration and operation expenditures of local autonomous bodies. However, the existence of such bodies is guaranteed by the Constitution of Japan. Particularly in the current era of democracy, the central government of Japan has experienced difficulty i..