公私協力夥伴關係近年來成為南南合作的重要模式，隨著自身經濟實力的增長，南方國家廠商也開始參與其他發展中國家興建基礎建設。有鑑於先行文獻對此現象經常採行對外直接投資的研究框架，較為輕忽公共建設的特質與偏重投資的負面效果，本文以中國廠商參與泰國與緬甸的海外公共建設項目為例，進行理論建構工作。研究發現民營企業即使獨資取得地主國的公私協力夥伴計畫，也不致於衍生爭議;相對地，中央型國有企業參與基礎建設計畫較易遭遇政治反抗，但如果採行與當地或者他國際廠商的合資形式，則可..

South-South Cooperation is believed to facilitate development smoothly. However, why do some projects of public-private partnership in infrastructure (PPI) between Southern countries create contention while others do not? This research argues that types of enterprises and interfirm cooperation are two determinants of contentious politics against foreign involvement in PPI in Southern countries. To explain how this mechanism works, I focus on Chinese firms’ port and power construction PPI in Thailand and Myanmar. The com..

當中國「對外直接投資」(Foreign Direct Investment，簡稱FDI)大幅湧入世界各國後，被投資國對於中國資金的質疑與恐懼也逐漸浮現，例如:歐洲各國擔憂中資入主後，將降低歐陸勞工的待遇;澳洲民眾與國會反對中資併購國內農場等。然而，上述恐慌卻與文獻資料分析存有歧異， 爬梳有關中國對外直接投資之於被投資國的影響等相關研究後發現，中國資金並未帶來「紅色政治」，且中資與其他國家投資的運作方式亦無明顯差異。雖然中資並未對被投資國產生預期的傷害和損失，..

While foreign direct investment (FDI) flows from China to other countries in the world, some recipients have shown their fear and question toward China’s investment. For instance, European countries are afraid of the degradation of labor and environmental standard after embracing investment from China to their industries;, while Australia’s public and media blame China’s investment on real estate for the rising housing price. However, after carefully reviewing discussions on each case in the literature, it c..

日本自約1990年代末期推動「平成大合併」，擬將約3200個市町村自治體整併為約1000個，以利區域廣域政策的推動，並減少地方自治體的行政營運費用。然而，自治體的存續為憲法所保障，尤其在民主時代，日本中央政府難以用強制的手段大規模進行市町村自治體的合併。因此，有些市町村在沒有行政區域合併的情況下，選擇用跨域治理的方式達成廣域治理的需要。 而為解決廣大區域的共同治理課題，實務上常以地方自治體間的「行政區域合併」或是跨域治理來因應大都市周邊..

Japan has promoted the Great Heisei Mergers since the late 1990’s. Under this program, the Japanese government planned to merge approximately 3200 villages, towns, and cities into roughly 1000; thereby facilitating the promotion of regional policies and reducing the administration and operation expenditures of local autonomous bodies. However, the existence of such bodies is guaranteed by the Constitution of Japan. Particularly in the current era of democracy, the central government of Japan has experienced difficulty i..

歐盟整合成員國政策並建立監控外資活動機制的努力，自2017年9月執委會提議以來，進展迅速並已於2019年2月獲歐洲議會立法通過，相關文件均以中國大陸資金在歐併購為案例。本文回顧歐中投資爭議開端，申論其源於對外經貿與產業發展理念差異，而近期中方透過「一帶一路」、「中國製造2025」指令下的海外投資併購，試圖同時解決產能過剩與產業升級目標，使雙邊爭端白熱化。除前述中方政策對歐盟可能影響外，本文亦將討論歐盟因應策略，中方可能反制措施，以及當前情勢對於歐中雙方後續作..

In this paper, we argue that China’s current strategies including Made in China 2025 and Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) with large scale mergers and acquisitions are still consistent with the so-called “divide and rule” principle with respect to the European Union (EU) since 2005. Furthermore, there will be some leading and potential industries through the above approach, even though the problems of overcapacity and inefficiency still exist. On the basis of the bilateral trade and investment strategies, we a..

2011年3月11日，日本規模9.0地震所引發的海嘯，導致福島核電廠出現爐心燃料熔損及放射物質外釋的緊急狀態。福島核災後，媒體大篇幅的報導，引發了國人對核電安全的普遍關注，也激起國人對國家整體核電政策的關心。為了解福島核災後，新聞媒體使用哪些框架再現核電議題? 這些媒體框架是否因報別的不同而有所差異?福島核災後新聞媒體報導凸顯了哪些人的觀點?這些人所呈現的立場與價值為何?有何差異?以及福島核災後新聞媒體的報導呈現何種趨勢?在媒體框架和價值觀點上是否有所變化?..

This study aims to explore how newspapers represents the nuclear power issue in Taiwan after the Fukushima Event, a catastrophic failure at the Fukushima I Nuclear Power Plant on 11 March 2011. The Fukushima Event has significant implications on both energy policy and anti-nuclear campaign in Taiwan. It also draws the attention of media coverage and has great impact on how media frame the Fourth Nuclear Power Plant dispute in Taiwan. The analysis of media frames and values within ongoing nuclear power policy debates not only ..