克赤海峽為連接黑海與亞速海(Sea of Azov)的唯一通道，海峽通行權不管是對俄羅斯或烏克蘭或第三國都不曾發生重大問題，隨著2014年俄羅斯兼併克里米亞半島，2015年俄羅斯重啟克里米亞大橋建設後才衍生出通行權問題。然反觀臺灣海峽為連接東海與南海的海上交通要道，近來每當美國及他國軍艦通過臺灣海峽時，中國大陸軍艦即尾隨或驅離，對海峽通行權造成若干程度的影響，也提高了發生擦槍走火的可能性。2018年11月25日克赤海峽所發生的衝突事件對臺灣海峽通行權問題的啟..

The Kerch Strait connecting the Sea of Azov to the Black Sea is the only route in and out of the Sea of Azov. Passages through the strait had been free of major issues until 2014 when Russia occupied Crimea, pushing out Ukraine; thereby controlling both sides of the strait and began quickly constructing a bridge spanning the strait. In East Asia, there is the Taiwan Strait that connects the East China Sea to the South China Sea. Unlike the Kerch Strait, the Strait of Taiwan is a significant international sea route. Recently U..

近年來，金融科技的興起帶來創新的金融服務並衝擊現有的監理方式。有些國家採取觀望的策略；有些國家則採取修改法律、推出新的執照制度甚或實驗型的監理模式。自2015年英國提出金融監理沙盒（Regulatory Sandbox）制度以來，許多國家陸續跟進，以監理沙盒實驗作為探索風險、重思監理疆界，並協助金融創新落地發展的措施。監理沙盒堪稱近年來擴散速度最快、影響最為深遠的一種新興金融監理制度。本文探究導致各國相繼採行金融監理沙盒制度的原因，並找出該制度在各國擴散的主要影響因子。藉由量化分析，本研..

In recent years, the rise of Fintech has introduced innovative financial services and has brought a significant impact on the existing financial regulatory frameworks. Financial regulators in different countries deal with the challenges in different ways: some adopt a “wait and see” strategy, in which they do not enact new regulatory institutions. Some countries take a more active approach through revision of laws, issuing new licenses, and adopting an experimental regulatory mechanism. Since the United Kingdom announced the fin..

在國族形塑過程中，各種原生條件，如共同歷史記憶、語言、文化、宗教信仰等，扮演著重要角色。烏克蘭在擺脫俄羅斯影響，重塑其國家主體性的歷史進程中，耗費漫長的時間在教會自主-脫離莫斯科的管理，成為真正的民族教會。但就東正教會的角度來看，一個民族國家教會的獨立不僅只是個別國家的問題，還牽涉到普世東正教會的教法傳統，這也涉及到東正教關於教會與國家關係的認知。此外，烏克蘭正教會的獨立又牽涉到兩個無法迴避的議題:烏克蘭信眾對於教會歸屬的認同以及莫斯科教會的立場和影響力。本文以烏克蘭正教會獨立為核心，討..

During the process of building a nation, various original conditions, such as common historical memory, language, culture, religious beliefs, etc., play an important role. In the history of integration of Ukrainian statehood, the most important events are the independence of the Ukrainian Church, where it separated from Moscow’s rule and the creation of a national Church. However, from the position of the Ecumenical Orthodox Church, this topic not only touches state policy, but also the Church tradition, which has a connection with th..

本文主要的目的在於爬梳社會科學方法論中因果機制分析的發展和演進，並進一步評估政治學研究中如何運用因果機制來進行解釋以及討論相關的解釋效力的問題。本文將具體評析政治學國際關係領域中民主和平論之論點，以此來衡量政治學運用因果機制解釋的優勢和侷限。因果機制研究層面上，本文聚焦在機制的定義和類型、機制的觀察性、因果機制與因果關係、法則和中介變數的差異、機制的層次、機制的運作和測量、機制的路徑圖。因果機制運用層面上，本文側重於民主和平論的源起和演進、 民主和平論的重要論述、對於民主和平論的挑戰以及..

The main purpose of this paper is to parse out the development and evolution of causal mechanism and to further evaluate how political research adopts the method of causal mechanism to explain and discuss the explanatory effect in the field of qualitative methods. Our focus is to shed light on the causal mechanism of democratic peace theory in the field of international relations and to gauge its advantages and restraints. On the dimension of causal mechanism, this paper focuses on the definition of mechanism, observation of causal mechanis..

近年來，隨著歐盟和北約組織的東擴與俄國的再度興起，位處西方民主國家與俄國之間「地緣斷層線」上的中東歐國家對俄國「抗衡或扈從」 的議題又再度浮上檯面。相關文獻指出，中、小國家與大國之間的利益相似程度，是決定其對該大國選擇「抗衡或扈從」關係的關鍵前提條件，據此，本文探討在這個「地緣斷層線」上16個曾具有相似背景的前「東方集團」的中東歐國家與俄國之間在外交政策利益相似程度上的變化。以近年來在各國所發生的事件為基礎，本文發現，經濟危機和民主退化的問題， 在近年來開始威脅著這些中東歐國家的傳統政黨..

Due to the eastern expansion of EU and NATO and the resurgence of Russia under Putin’s leadership, how the Central and Eastern European fault line states chose between balancing and bandwagoning toward Russia has become a salient issue in contemporary international relations studies. This article investigates changes in the degree of policy similarity between 16 former “Eastern Bloc” Central and Eastern European States and Russia. The rationale for this study is that previous studies demonstrated that this issue is the key..