從21世紀開始，低敏感性的區域經濟整合已成為目前國際的趨勢。俄羅斯因應區域經濟整合趨勢，從傳統主導安全性區域整合改採以更有地緣政治優勢的能源戰略，來促進其建立在新「歐亞主義」的「歐亞經濟聯盟」。本文以地緣政治之能源戰略視角，檢視俄羅斯對前蘇聯國家的地緣政治與能源紛爭，並以交易成本經濟模型作為綜合型架構。本文認為國家作為一個理性行為者，俄羅斯運用地緣政治能源戰略降低交易成本。最後本文以交易成本變項來進一步分析前蘇聯國家與俄羅斯之議價能力。

In the 21st century, regional economic integration as a less sensitive issue has become the current international trend. In response to the trend of regional economic integration, Russia has changed from traditionally dominated thought of security regional integration to a more geopolitical energy strategy to promote its establishment of the “Eurasian Economic Union” based on the new “Eurasianism.” From the perspective of geopolitical-based energy strategy, the article examines Russia’s geopolitical and energy ..

本文提出雙重政商關係的理論架構以探討中國因素對臺灣媒體自我審查的影響力消長。本文主張:臺灣媒體實施外導型自我審查的程度，取決 於其跨海峽政商關係與在地政商關係的相對強度。針對旺中集團與三立集團的比較個案研究發現:當某臺灣媒體的跨海峽政商關係比在地政商關係更加強化時，該媒體便會採取或增加外導型自我審查;而當其在地政商關係比跨海峽政商關係更加強化時，則會減少或取消外導型自我審查。本研究結果有助於了解中國因素影響力消長的條件、補充現有研究對於媒體自我審查增減的解釋..

This article provides a theoretical framework of dual government-business relations to explore the rise and decline of China’s influence on Taiwanese media’s self-censorship. It argues that the extent to which a Taiwanese media firm conducts external-induced self-censorship under Beijing’s influence hinges on the relative strength between its local and cross-strait government- business relations. The comparative case study of the Want Want-China Times Media Group and the Sanlih E-Television Group indicates t..

本文以涵蓋2000至2019年臺灣縣市與企業層級追蹤數據，定群向量自迴歸模型與固定效果迴歸模型評估兩岸貿易擴張是否對臺灣房地產業帶來影響。本文主張，兩岸貿易擴張主要透過兩種機制影響臺灣房地產業發展:一、市場動力;二、企業地產金融化。在臺灣與中國地緣政治因素下，臺灣對中國貿易順差與新自由主義轉型政策，解釋本地房地產業持續在沒有大量外資挹注，資本持續流向中國市場下，卻仍持續發展。1990年以來，兩岸貿易擴張與政府新自由主義政策轉型，臺灣房地產業投資提供高額報酬機..

In order to answer the question of how the cross-strait trade influence Taiwan’s housing prices, this study argues that two mechanisms mattered: first, the driving force of the market; and second, the financialization of real estate in corporations. I argue that the profitable environment of real estate was built by the government’s neoliberal policy from the 1990s due to Taiwan’s massive capital outflow to China. The environment attracted capital from cross-strait trade and resulted in many big corporations..

臺灣民眾自我防衛的決心，對於我國國防及東亞區域和平皆有重大影響。尤其是在面對可能的兩岸衝突狀況下，了解臺灣民眾的自我防衛意 願，與國家安全息息相關。然而，如何解釋臺灣民眾自我防衛決心的差異，在現存的國際關係文獻裡面的討論有限。我們認為，民眾在理性計算是否願意參戰時，過去的從軍經驗是心理上最直接仰賴的資訊，因此從軍經驗的好壞，理論上會影響民眾的自我防衛決心。本文把從軍經驗分成三個面向，包括軍種、覺得軍事訓練對上戰場的有用程度、以及從軍時與長官的相處狀況，並於2..

What explains Taiwanese citizens’ determination of self-defense? To date, few studies touch upon this issue. We argue that one’s military service experience is an important factor for studying citizens’ willingness to fight and hypothesize that positive experience could be conducive to higher willingness for self-defense as the citizens feel they have the capabilities and preparations for a conflict. We operationalize military service into three dimensions: military branch, evaluation of usefulness of milita..

當美中兩大強權在東亞仍然維持既競爭又合作的態勢時，避險(hedging)遂成為亞太國家一個務實且富有彈性的外交政策選擇。本文認為，中國的「夥伴關係」外交在學理與實務上確實與傳統軍事聯盟存有差異。中國在後冷戰時期國際社會缺少意識形態對抗的背景下推動「夥伴關係」外交，透過改善對外關係而拉攏國際支持，進而使得周邊國家享有更多採取避險戰略的空間。南韓作為美國的亞太盟國，在美中之間的避險即為一項例證。本文認為，除非國際情勢與國際結構有明顯變化，短期之內中國應該不至於放..

As the United States and China have remained the competition and cooperation in East Asia, hedging has become a pragmatic foreign policy object for the secondary states in the region. This article explores the differences between China’s “partnership” and traditional military alliances, attempting to explain the lack of a clear ideology in the post-Cold War era and its impacts on states’ hedging. Due to the strategy of “partnership” rather than the traditional military alliance, it has prov..