「新功能主義」(Neo-Functionalism, NF)是研究區域統合(integration) 最常被討論的論述之一，不過近年來新功能主義在內容上已有了很大的轉化:外溢效果(spill-overeffect)不再被視作統合的唯一自變項，而統合也只是「暫時」的依變項，不再是一項必定的結果。 哈斯(Ernst Haas)在新世紀即對其近 50 年前所提之新功能主義提出評論，獲學界高度矚目，頗值關心此議題及關心兩岸發展的人士注意;本文藉..

Neo-functionalism(NF)is one of the most argumentative theories for dealing with issues of regional integration. Supporters of NF argue that when the spillover effectis created through the process of functional integration, separate entities can construct political systems compatible with each other. Nevertheless, NF, especially that proposed by Ernst Hass, has changed since it was contested by scholars and testified in the literature. Nowadays, it is not valid to argue that the spillover effect can create integration automati..

俄羅斯擁有世界最多的天然氣、第二大煤礦及第八大原油蘊藏量，這些豐富的天然資源使俄羅斯具備實施能源外交的優越地緣政治經濟條件。從二十一世紀開始，俄羅斯已經逐漸改變前蘇聯政府時期依靠軍事與政治力量來確保其國際地位的策略，轉而利用天然資源，特別是豐富的天然氣，作為經濟發展與對外關係的重要手段。而普欽政府將天然氣的營運與巨大獲益全都收歸國家管理及控制，是其得以將此一能源權力發展為對歐洲外交戰略與恢復過去大國地位的基礎。本文擬以蘇珊‧史翠菊(Susan Strange..

Russia holds the world's largest natural gas reserves, the second-largest coal reserves, and the eighth-largest crude oil reserves. These plentiful natural resources allow Russia to obtain excellent geopolitical and geoeconomic conditions to carry out its foreign energy strategies. Since the beginning of the 21st century, Russia has transformed from former USSR’s foreign policy which depended on military and political powers for ensuring its international position into the current policy of utilizing natural resourc..

本文探討一個認同對外交政策的影響，並以「芬蘭化」的概念為例。外交政策基本上是對「我群/我們」概念的回應，而一個政治社群諸如「我們是誰?」、「在世界上的角色和地位」對問題的回答，則大致是穩定的。爬梳一個社群對「我們」概念如「民族」與「國家」的理解與論述方式，將有助於解釋該社群之外交政策的大致走向。 「芬蘭化」(Finlandization)一詞源於 1948 年芬蘭與蘇聯之協定，意指小國在其對外行為上，主動將大國之國家利益納入考量，不做出..

This paper explores the impact of identity on foreign policy, with the idea of “Finlandization” as an empirical case. Foreign policy can be conceptualized as a response to “we” concepts, and a political community’s answers to such questions as “who we are” and “our roles and places in the world” are generally stable. It is thus helpful to grasp the general tendency of a community’s foreign policy if the ways in which it understands and organizes the basic “we&r..

本文第一部分藉由現有的文獻回顧國際關係對於權力的探討以及貿易與權力的關係;在介紹歐洲聯盟(European Union，以下簡稱歐盟)貿易政策的基本框架後，接著探討歐盟實際的貿易政策作為，並且討論貿易政策背後的政治意涵;最後由國際關係理論以及上述的貿易政策，討論歐盟貿易政策的權力角色。歐盟由於先天上發展傳統軍武實力的限制，於是採取貿易、知識等非傳統權力手段來推動價值以及創造規範，在全球化的時代下構築其有別於傳統軍事強權的知識權力角色。 ..

The research is divided into three parts. The first part reviews the literatures regarding power and the relations between trade and power in IR studies. Secondly, this article chooses several EU’s trade policies in practice to discuss the political implications behind the trade policy. Finally, the research analyzes the role of power of EU’s trade through IR theories and the practical trade policies discussed above. Because of the inborn constraint on the development of traditional military capability, the EU use..

本文旨在探討歐盟與中國如何實踐戰略夥伴關係的目標，以及分析在過程中所面臨的阻礙。本文從歐盟與中國如何認知自身國際地位開始，檢視雙方從夥伴關係走向戰略夥伴關係的期望，評估在實質上是否具有此等關係的基礎，以及雙方為何在解除對中國軍售禁令以及承認中國市場經濟地位此二議題上遲遲無法取得共識。本文認為歐盟和中國對於戰略夥伴關係的認知並不明確，在具體議題上缺乏實質合作，因而難以取得突破性的發展。現今歐盟與中國的交往已經進入「務實省思期」，雙方都必須思考如何在現有的框架對..

This article aims to examine the implementation of shaping the EU- China Strategic Partnership and investigate the obstacles they are encountering. Accordingly, the article will answer the following questions: (1)How do the EU and China define their strategic objectives?(2)What do they expect from the implementation of the strategic partnership?(3)Do they have fundamental consensus and benchmarks to shape this relationship? (4)Why does the EU reject to lift the arms embargo against China and refuse to recognise China’s ..