1951 年歐洲首次在沒有流血戰爭的狀態中開始進行和平統合，此有別於歐洲歷史紛亂與戰爭的常態。從戰後、歐洲開始統合、歷經德國統一及蘇聯共產主義集團瓦解兩大地緣政治鉅變，到 2007 年歐盟最近一次擴大至今， 統合過程中，歐洲國家之間及其與美國及俄羅斯(蘇聯)的權力互動關係，以及各強權與歐洲地理空間的互動關係對歐洲統合產生重大的影響與不同的地緣政治意涵。 第二次世界大戰後，歐洲國家處於美蘇對峙複雜的權力互動關係中，資源統合、採取共同立場(..

The integration of Europe began in 1951. Within the process of integration, there were three dimensions of power interactions: the interaction among European states, the interaction among America, Russia (Soviet Union), and European states, and the interaction between great powers and the European geographical space. From the beginning of the European integration, the unification of Germany and the collapse of the Russian communist bloc, and to the latest expansion of EU, the geopolitical changes had important impacts and sig..

「歐洲化」概念在過去十年間受到歐盟研究學者的重視;然而當越來越多人賦予「歐洲化」越來越多的定義，「歐洲化」概念的實用性開始受到質疑。本文著重歐洲化概念對進一步增進我們對歐盟的了解所可能提供的「用處」，試圖利用歐洲化概念來探討歐洲整合對於不同層次的行為者所造成的衝擊。期以歐盟的民主赤字現象為例，說明歐洲化研究的實用性。文章首先從既存研究中確立歐洲化在歐洲政治結構的「上層」已經發生是既存事實，然而歐洲化在歐洲政治結構的「底層」則尚未發生。歐洲化的發生所仰賴的「機..

In the past ten years, Europeanists paid an increasing amount of attention to the concept of “Europeanization.” When the definition of “Europeanization” expands as more and more scholars build their research around the concept, the usefulness of the concept was cast in doubt. This article uses the study of elite-citizen gap in the EU as an example to shed light on the usefulness of the Europeanization concept in furthering our understanding of European integration. It examines the impact of Europeaniza..

本文探究歐盟整合過程中出現的多樣性整合模式，並進而探討不同的整合模式對兩岸關係的適用性為何。依據「國家認同與定位的相關性」及「是否為領導或創始國」等兩項變數，本文區分出歐盟四種整合模式:德國模式對整合運動的承諾與支持度最高，其次為芬蘭模式與法國模式，英國模式則為最低。基於台灣與中國大陸政府對台灣主權存在爭議的現實，持願景路線的德國或法國模式均無法適用於兩岸關係的整合模式，兩岸整合前景最好的情況為芬蘭模式，最不理想為英國模式。模型化的結果因而可以解釋為何兩岸日..

This paper investigates the diverse approaches of EU members’ integration with the EU through modeling, and assesses the applicability of each model to the Taiwan-China relations. Building upon two variables – ‘the association with national identity and reorientation’, and ‘being the leading or founding member’ – four EU members’ integrative models stand out. The German model is proven to be the most integrationist, followed by the Finnish and the French models. The UK model app..

2005 年 5 月和 6 月法國與荷蘭分別公投否決歐洲憲法後，制憲運動和歐洲統合頓時陷入危機，要等到 2007 年 1 月德國接任歐盟輪值主席國，同年 5 月法國總統大選結束後，歐盟 27 國領袖才在 6 月柏林高峰會上達成協議，召開政府間會議，10 月里斯本高峰會通過新約，然後於 12 月正式簽署。 2009 年 10 月 2 日愛爾蘭二次公投通過里斯本條約後，歐盟 27 國已完成里斯本條約的批准程序，僅待愛爾蘭、捷克、波蘭和德國將批准書存放至義大利外交..

The European integration as well as the EU Constitution-Building was in an impasse in the aftermath of the negative results of the French and Dutch referenda in mid 2005. It was not until the new German government under the leadership of Angela Merkel assumed the EU presidency in January 2007 and the French elected a new President in May of the same year that EU and its member states began working effectively to find a solution to put an end to this crisis. The Berlin European Council in June 2007 finally adopted the compromi..

本文以土耳其以外的三個行為者-美國、伊拉克、歐盟-作為解釋近年來土耳其政府與境內庫德族關係改變的主要因素。美國與伊拉克的衝突造成伊拉克境內庫德族處境艱難，卻造就伊拉克庫德族與美國政府站在同一陣線的機會，觸動到土耳其政府的敏感神經。相對於美國傳統的權力觀，歐盟對於其他國家的重塑力在土耳其與庫德族的關係演變中獲得了彰顯。在此錯綜複雜的多邊關係中，美國與伊拉克庫德族的共同利益以及歐盟與土耳其庫德族的共同利益交織出土耳其政府愈來愈有限的庫德族政策選項。 ..

This article looks into the changing relationship between the Turkish government and the Kurdish population within Turkey. In explaining changes in this relationship over the past twenty years, the roles of three external actors - the U.S., the Iraqi Kurds, and the EU - are brought into consideration. The Iraqi War prompted the U.S. government to have a cozy relationship with the Iraqi Kurds, a development that alarmed the Turkish government. In contrast with the conventional approach to power by the American government, the ..