臺灣是事實上的(de facto)獨立國家，然而其法理上的(de jure)獨立地位在中國打壓之下並不被國際廣泛承認。長久以來，臺灣藉由援助邦交國來換取外交承認，形成「建交導向」的援外政策;然而過去十多年來，在論述上、制度上和實踐上出現一系列改革，呼應美歐澳日等理念相近國家的價值，也就是經濟合作發展組織(Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development)的國際援助典則。本文主張這是從「建交導向」延伸..

Taiwan is a de facto independent country, but its de jure independence status is not widely recognized by the international society under the suppression of China. In the past, Taiwan used aid to exchange diplomatic recognition from its aid recipient countries, forming an “aid for diplomacy” aid policy. However, since the late 2000s, Taiwan’s aid policy has undergone a series of reforms regarding discourses, legal frameworks, and practices. Such reform applied the international aid regime established by like..

臺灣民眾自我防衛的決心，對於我國國防及東亞區域和平皆有重大影響。尤其是在面對可能的兩岸衝突狀況下，了解臺灣民眾的自我防衛意 願，與國家安全息息相關。然而，如何解釋臺灣民眾自我防衛決心的差異，在現存的國際關係文獻裡面的討論有限。我們認為，民眾在理性計算是否願意參戰時，過去的從軍經驗是心理上最直接仰賴的資訊，因此從軍經驗的好壞，理論上會影響民眾的自我防衛決心。本文把從軍經驗分成三個面向，包括軍種、覺得軍事訓練對上戰場的有用程度、以及從軍時與長官的相處狀況，並於2..

What explains Taiwanese citizens’ determination of self-defense? To date, few studies touch upon this issue. We argue that one’s military service experience is an important factor for studying citizens’ willingness to fight and hypothesize that positive experience could be conducive to higher willingness for self-defense as the citizens feel they have the capabilities and preparations for a conflict. We operationalize military service into three dimensions: military branch, evaluation of usefulness of milita..

二次世界大戰後，隨著全球事務的複雜化，跨國經濟活動、新科技與網路的發達，加遽了人與人之間的交流與互動，也使得國際間的相互依賴愈來愈加深與頻繁，從而大幅改變國際關係之面貌，致使國與國之間的界線也變得模糊。非政府組織的興起意味著傳統以「國家為國際事務主要成員」的觀點受到質疑與挑戰，當各國治理範疇逐步縮減時，非政府組織卻開始填補了政府在國際活動方面的空缺，在國際社會中快速擴張，因此，在進行國際援助時，若非政府組織與政府之間如能相互協力，應比其中任何一方單打獨鬥更能..

After World War II, with the complexity of international affairs, cross border economic activities, new technology and the internet contributed to the increase of human interaction. This also increases the interdependence between countries, as well as the changes in international relationships made the borders among countries more and more vague. The rise of Non- Government Organizations (NGOs) indicated that the concept of “nations as the main player in international affairs” is being challenged. NGOs gradually t..

現代日本保守主義歷來深受學術界的關注，尤其1990年代以後，日本政治社會往往被視為開始右傾化，因而出現許多從批判性角度分析日本保守主義的著作。然而，過去較少有從政治思想的角度切入之研究，故本文試圖彌補此空缺。保守主義是法國大革命以來構成現代政治思想的重要潮流，故為了理解現代日本的保守主義，政治思想的視角是不可或缺的。鑒於此，本文提出自由保守與國粹保守的分析框架，並從此角度對現代日本保守主義進行分析。自由保守是依據西方保守主義的思維，重視從「保守的」角度進行思..

The literature and academia have paid widespread attention to modern Japanese conservatism. Japan’s political society tends to be considered as leaning towards the right especially after the 1990s, resulting in many studies focusing on modern Japanese conservatism and criticizing its phenomenon. Past studies, however, did not often analyze the issue from the viewpoint of political thought, and therefore, this essay aims to fill such a gap. Conservatism has taken on an important role around the world, constitu..

我國身為遠洋漁捕大國，但受限於國家身分不被聯合國及大多數國家承認，無法參與或加入大多數的國際組織，包括區域漁業管理組織在內。為此，「1995年聯合國魚群協定」遂創造了「漁捕實體」一詞，為我國開啟參與國際組織的一個機會之窗。雖是如此，我國以「漁捕實體」之身分參與區域漁業管理組織所適用之程序及享有之權利，在不同組織與不同時期均有所差異。在早期中西太平洋漁業委員會(WCPFC)及美洲熱帶鮪類委員會(IATTC)中，「漁捕實體」所適用之程序及享有之權利幾乎與國家之「..

As one of the distant water fishing nations (DWFNs) in the world, Taiwan is not able to participate in or access the works of many international organizations, including regional fisheries management organizations (RFMOs), due to the fact that Taiwan’s statehood is not recognized by the United Nations and most States. The term “Fishing Entities” was created in the 1995 United Nations Fish Stocks Agreement (UNFSA), in which it has also opened a window of opportunity for Taiwan in the participation of internat..