1951 年歐洲首次在沒有流血戰爭的狀態中開始進行和平統合，此有別於歐洲歷史紛亂與戰爭的常態。從戰後、歐洲開始統合、歷經德國統一及蘇聯共產主義集團瓦解兩大地緣政治鉅變，到 2007 年歐盟最近一次擴大至今， 統合過程中，歐洲國家之間及其與美國及俄羅斯(蘇聯)的權力互動關係，以及各強權與歐洲地理空間的互動關係對歐洲統合產生重大的影響與不同的地緣政治意涵。 第二次世界大戰後，歐洲國家處於美蘇對峙複雜的權力互動關係中，資源統合、採取共同立場(..

The integration of Europe began in 1951. Within the process of integration, there were three dimensions of power interactions: the interaction among European states, the interaction among America, Russia (Soviet Union), and European states, and the interaction between great powers and the European geographical space. From the beginning of the European integration, the unification of Germany and the collapse of the Russian communist bloc, and to the latest expansion of EU, the geopolitical changes had important impacts and sig..

食品貿易全球化帶來了大量的經濟利益，但開放食品進口提供國內消費者更多選擇之餘，他們健康上面臨的風險也越來越高。易言之，食品貿易在締造財富的同時，也在威脅我們每一個人的飲食衛生安全。在出口國透過食品貿易賺取經濟利潤之際，進口國公共衛生安全法規的自主性也受到挑戰。全球食品貿易機展的越快，主權國家面臨公共衛生與貿易自由化兩種法益權衡與選擇的困境就越強;一方面國家有義務保障本國人民的健康，但一方面其也必須遵守世界貿易組俄 (WTO) 架構下的食品安全規範。 有別於傳統的安全研究，本文主張..

The globalization of trade in food has brought great economic benefits Food imports have expanded consumer choices but have also resulted in higher health risk. ln other words, food trade has generated money and threatened the health of individual at the same time. While conferring tangible economic benefits on the states, the expansion of global commerce also has posed considerable challenges for their food safety regulatory structure. In light of the expansion of food trade, the sovereign state's regulatory system has been faced with ..

權力與國家利益是國際政治研究的主要探討因素，也是國際關係學界戰後研究的起點，本文認為「權力」決定「國家利益」，進而限制「國家行為」的觀點 ，在國際人權規範下未必依舊是當代國際政治與國家行為的鐵律。從冷戰後國際社會的維持和平行動來看，有相當程度國家武力干預並非出於國家利益的動機，亦非與地緣戰略有關，而只是為了去維持國際社會的價值，一種強調人權價值、避免種族淨化的發生。這種國際社會的價值 (人性尊嚴、法治、民主) ，某種程度存有所謂規範制約權力的成分，強調權力的使用來自合法性，而這規範的形塑..

Power and national interest constitute an important research topic in the study of international politics, and can be seen as the starting point for the study of international relations in the post-war period. A number of scholars have asserted that “power” determines “national interest." Such a view, however, can result in an excessively restricted understanding of “national behavior," since the relationship between contemporary international politics and national behavior is not necessarily an ironclad on..

日本已分別在外交、防衛與警政等體系下設置不同任務屬性之情報機關。然而在經過數十年運作後，現存情報組織上已無法充分發揮機能。隨著冷戰及九一一事件之後國際局勢的劇烈變化，非傳統安全威脅日益升高，以及日本欲積極發揮其在國際上之影響力，朝向正常化國家邁進等，使得現存的情報體制面臨變革，必須強化情報機能，以作為日本達成前述目標之後盾。政府與民間有識之士對此一方向亦有深切體認，分別提出許多強化情報機能的改革建議，例如強化情報機構之聯繫、加強情報蒐集能量及提升情報研析水準..

Japan has various intelligence agencies that carry out different tasks under the diplomatic, national defense and police systems. After several decades in operation, these agencies have become less capable of fulfilling their functions. The end of the Cold War and the 911 terror attack have sparked a string of sea changes in international dynamics. Increasing non- traditional security threats, Japan’s ambition to exert bigger international influences, its bid for a normal state, all these issues have made reform necessa..

自 90 年代中期以來，學界對於恐怖主義的研究正日益深化，反恐措施也推陳出新。不過，恐怖主義攻擊卻未因此減少，反而從過去盛行的中東地區和發展中國家蔓延到威權的前蘇聯各國以及已開發國家。參與者也從過去的反殖民建國訴求者，擴大為宗教和其他激進運動的獻身者;手段上更普遍地採取自殺攻擊，而不在乎組織形象聲名狼藉和人員的損失。似乎強大的國家，其安全與反擊措施越嚴厲，越激發攻擊者的鬥志。這種「越挫越奮」的異常現象，對傳統的國關理論構成了不小的挑戰。 ..

National security is traditionally comprehended in terms of the rationalist approach, of which the physical boundaries and the static “Self” of nation states are taken for granted. The concept of “security dilemma” is accordingly understood as the conflicting tendency between nations in the process of defense build-up. However, this article argues that another type of “security dilemma” should not be ignored: the more the units increase its physical capabilities, the less secure they are, d..