地方立法權是代表地方人民行使意思表達的權力，亦是民主國家地方自治體的最核心權力。如何在府際合作中持續地方立法權的功能與職責，以落實地方自治，是本研究的問題意識。本研究以府際合作的地方立法權之角色為核心，首先，探討地方自治體中地方立法權的角色 ; 其次，審視府際合作中地方立法機關之定位 ; 最後，以日本的廣域行政制度為例，剖析地方立法權在其中所扮演之角色。

Local legislative power is the representative authority that executes the will of the local people and is the pivot of authority within the local government in democratic countries. How to maintain the functions and duties of the local legislature under the intergovernmental cooperation system, and thereby lead to the fulfillment of local self-government is the central problem of this paper. Focusing on the local legislative power under intergovernmental cooperation, this paper will explore the role of local legislative power in the local g..

韓國財閥如現代、三星、LG，目前已是全球知名企業。他們的崛起與韓國政府的強烈支持有重大關係：政府支持財閥，分擔其投資分險、給予寡、獨占市場控制;財閥則回報政府以提供就業機會、賺取外匯、促進經濟成長。然而在此光明表象下，韓國政府與財閥間也有為人詬病的陰暗關係：政府官員收受財閥政治獻金及其他種種 「政治規費」，財閥則被回報以財經措施上的優惠。而隨著政治民主化，政府遭受國民逐漸上升的監督，要求政府和財閥的透明關係，並控制富可敵國的財閥。然而財閥則因經濟自由化而日益壯大，不再受制於政府的管控。韓..

Korean conglomerates, or chaebols in Korean, such as Samsung, Hyundai, LG, are now familiar and global enterprises. However, the rising of chaebols was supported and often pushed by Korean government. For instance, government and chaebols shared investment risks and their aims to keep national market oligarchic or monopolistic, etc. Chaebols returned by creating employment opportunities， earning foreign exchanges, and driving economic development. But underneath the shining surface lies a dark and notorious side: for economic, financial, an..

傳統國際關係研究在討論霸權的相關課題時，多是探索霸權相對權力優勢的消長，認為失去權力優勢的霸權，將難逃新興國家的挑戰，霸權交替萌起於無可避免的霸權戰爭。國關學界依順國際政治是一種權力競爭的思路，多是以物質權力作為評量霸權的基準，相對忽視權威暨治理正當性等因素在構成霸業的作用，進而忽略霸權領導的治理權威，霸權如何維繫霸業的討論，更限縮在有限的強制宰制，忽視正當性對強化霸權統御的作用。 本文試圖檢驗權威在霸權治理過程中所扮演的角色與作用，以..

IR studies on hegemony have paid much attention on the relative decline and uprising of powers, which has constituted the perspective that the factors of uneven-growth will cause the downfall of hegemony and the rising power will replace the old one after the former poses great challenges to the declining hegemon and wins the hegemonic war. Though the term of hegemony has deeply implied the characters of leadership, IR generally defines the hegemony as an international order within which one state constitute her dominance wit..

台灣與新加坡雖然一直被學者認為是發展國家的典型案例，然而兩者在 1990 年代之後卻邁向截然不同的轉型途徑;展現在國家介入市場的特徵上也大異其趣。雖然有關兩個發展國家的現況已有許多個別研究，然而透過比較的視角以探討兩地公私部門間的網絡鑲嵌結構的差異，在目前的研究文獻中仍然鮮少。本文透過制度論的分析架構，聚焦在兩者的政府介入企業層次的治理網絡，考察其結構的形成歷史與演變軌跡，透過量化的資料比較其異同，並探討兩種不同網絡結構可能會有的政經意涵。1990 年代以後..

Although Taiwan and Singapore have been considered as two successful cases of the developmental state model, their recent transformations demonstrate distinct and divergent paths. Recent studies have documented this transition from a macro perspective of the political-economic process, yet scholars have been relatively inattentive to the market governance network from a meso-organizational perspective. We believe that it will help us better understand the transforming nature of two developmental states by looking at the netwo..

1997 年 12 月聯合國氣候變化綱要公約的京都議定書問世以來，各國的履行狀況各異:有些國家選擇履行，有些國家選擇不履行;有些國家履行的步調迅速，有些國家履行的步調緩慢。本文運用關係締約途徑，從剩餘控制權利與全球環境治理結構、交易成本與全球環境治理結構調適等面向，分析影響各國履行的因素。 全球環境治理結構愈是偏向行動者剩餘控制權利懸殊的階層關係，各行動者所須付出的治理成本愈高，愈偏好傾向無政府關係的全球環境治理結構，以降低治理成本;另..

Due to the presence of states’ various implementing conditions of Kyoto Protocol since December 1997, this essay intends to analyze the factors through dimensions of rights of residual control, global environmental governance structure, transaction cost, and the adaptation of global environmental governance structure from relational contracting approaches. Actors tend to choose more anarchical relations of global environmental governance structure to decrease high governance costs resulted from hierarchical r..