本研究試圖由比較制度的角度，來解釋兩性政治涉入的差異。制度內化並規範了特定的性別關係與安排，透過認可特定價值以及資源分配，對於兩性政治涉入產生不同的影響。本研究將具有性別規範意涵的制度/政策，區分為平等、差異、以及轉化三種類型，並利用 2005 年第五波「世界價值調查」(world values survey, WVS)的資料，來檢視不同的制度對於男女政治涉入的不同影響。針對 33 個民主國家的制度分類和個體資料分析，我們利用階層線性模型來估算政策對於男性及..

This study attempts to explain the gender differences in political engagement with a comparative institutional perspective. Institution internalizes and regulates the gender relationship through value recognition and resource redistribution, thereby inducing different political attitudes and behaviors among men and women. We first categorize the gender-related institution/policy into equality, difference, and transformation, then utilize the fifth wave of World Values Survey data of 2005, to examine the varied impacts of diff..

本文檢視全世界民主國家在不同總統與國會選制的搭配組合下，政黨體系有何不同。本文發現，就國會選制而言，國會選舉採比例代表制的國家， 其國會有效政黨數在整體上明顯多於國會選舉採單一選區相對多數制的國家;而不論是國會選舉採比例代表制或是採單一選區相對多數制的國家，有總統直選制度之國家的國會有效政黨數，明顯少於無總統直選制度的國家。 進一步言，在國會選舉採比例代表制的國家中，若總統選舉採相對多數制，其國會有效政黨數會少於總統選舉採兩輪決選制的國家;不過，在國會選舉採..

This study comprehensively observes the party system under different collocations of presidential and parliamentary electoral system in democracies all over the world. Regarding parliamentary electoral system, it is found that the effective number of parliamentary parties in the countries adopting proportional representation system(PR), overall, is apparently larger than that in countries adopting plurality with single-member-district system(SMD), and that in countries holding direct presidential elections is clearly smaller ..

現有國際關係研究對於霸權主導國際制度已有一定之發現，不過對崛起強權參與建構國際制度的行為傾向，則附屬於霸權的相關討論，而未獲得一定之重視。霸權論一般認為，崛起強權在未發生霸權戰爭前，只能被迫遵循霸權主導 下的國際制度，唯有在崛起強權取得霸權地位之後，方能展示是創建國際制度的領導能力。霸權論由相對物質權力層面探索的崛起強權描述，僅能凸顯霸權戰爭的爆發，未必能勾勒出崛起強權的全面行為，亦未能解釋霸權繼承者的條件。 發生霸權更迭之前，並非沒有發生崛起強權參與建構國際制度的案例，例如德意..

The exploration of the rising power has been subordinated to the arguments of hegemony and revisionist states. The Hegemonic Stability Theory and Power Transfer Theory have argued that the rising power has to follow international instructions set according to the hegemonic interests before the break out of hegemony war through which the rising power revolts the status quo hegemon. This approach might describe the reasons of hegemonic war; however, it might not be able to explain the overall behavior patterns of rising power in the construct..

本文主要是補充論述日本新選舉制度與自民黨走向集權化的關係。既有研究指出，在新選舉制度下，日本自民黨的派閥勢力逐漸地瓦解，從政治過程的觀察中，同時顯示出自民黨派閥的影響力確實也在消退中。本文發現，自民黨在新選舉制度下，依然維持「現任者優先」的提名策略，而「現任者優先」卻具有默認既存派閥勢力的意味。就此而言，派閥勢力應該保有足夠的生存空間，又為何會在新選舉制度下逐漸消退呢 ? 本文擬從候選人在新選舉制度下的「趨中現象」、「政權公約」的黨中央主導、重複提名的設計與比例的提高，以及 「七十三歲屆..

The main purpose of this paper is to further elaborate on the relationship between Japan's new electoral system and augmentation of power in the LDP central committee. The existing studies pointed out that the newly-reformed electoral system in Japan leads to a gradual decline of factions within the LDP while the actual power of the LDP central committee was elevated. However, this paper argues that if LDP's nomination process in the new electoral system still complies with the principle of “incumbents first," which w..

歷史制度論是一問題意識、方法立場與理論建構三者緊密結合的學派。研究者始自經驗的問題意識，欲解答大問題與真實世界的難題，並由此引導出特定的方法立場與理論建構模式。在方法立場上，歷史制度論者同意質化研究的「因果過程模式」，並運用比較方法進行系統性、脈絡性的歷史過程分析。但歷史制度論者並未拘泥於質化方法的基本教義，面對量化陣營的質疑，反而持開放的立場並提出多元的回應方式。在理論建構上，歷史制度論者具有「中程理論」的共識，並從整體觀點和權力途徑探討制度運作，能結合不..

As a school, historical institutionalism integrates research agenda, theory and method as a whole. Researchers in this field intend to answer “big questions” and to solve real-world puzzles, inducing specific characteristics in their theory and method. In aspect of method, historical institutionalists agree on “causal process model” in the qualitative researches and analyze historical process systematically with the comparative method. Facing the challenge from quantitative researchers, historical inst..