傳統的研究智慧中，總統制和兩黨制的配套被認為是一個民主國家較容易運作的組合。主要的理由是兩黨制較不可能出現意識形態的極化，以及因為兩個政黨需要贏得中間位置的選票，其可以促成政黨之間較溫和及向心的競爭，因而有助於總統制的運作。然而，近年來，一些兩黨總統制國家發生嚴重的憲政危機，甚至促成民主衰退。為何這些兩黨總統制國家會走上民主衰退的道路，是本文所要探索的研究問題。首先，本文透過對於拉丁美洲兩黨總統制國家的個案分析發現，憲政結構的因素如總統和國會的權力抗衡會影響..

Past research argues that presidentialism and two-party systems are workable combinations that can facilitate democratic stability. The causal mechanisms are that ideological polarization is less possible to appear in a two-party system, that two parties needing to win votes from the center encourages moderation, and that the absence of the extremist parties and the centripetal nature of party competition favor democratic stability. However, in recent years, some presidential countries with a two-party system in Latin America..

本文檢視全世界民主國家在不同總統與國會選制的搭配組合下，政黨體系有何不同。本文發現，就國會選制而言，國會選舉採比例代表制的國家， 其國會有效政黨數在整體上明顯多於國會選舉採單一選區相對多數制的國家;而不論是國會選舉採比例代表制或是採單一選區相對多數制的國家，有總統直選制度之國家的國會有效政黨數，明顯少於無總統直選制度的國家。 進一步言，在國會選舉採比例代表制的國家中，若總統選舉採相對多數制，其國會有效政黨數會少於總統選舉採兩輪決選制的國家;不過，在國會選舉採..

This study comprehensively observes the party system under different collocations of presidential and parliamentary electoral system in democracies all over the world. Regarding parliamentary electoral system, it is found that the effective number of parliamentary parties in the countries adopting proportional representation system(PR), overall, is apparently larger than that in countries adopting plurality with single-member-district system(SMD), and that in countries holding direct presidential elections is clearly smaller ..

當代民主和平研究已不再局限於民主政體間的戰爭機率，有些學者已經開始轉向研究威權政體間的戰爭機率。這樣的研究發展，有利於促進國際政治和比較政府兩個次領域的對話，而本文亦嘗試將威權政體分類相關的比較政治研究，帶入國際政治場域進行分析。2002 年 Mark Peceny、Caroline C. Beer和 Shannon Sanchez-Terry 提出 「獨裁政體和平假說」(dictatorial peace)，主張威權政體間亦存在低武裝衝突機率。而且，如果再將威權政體進一步分類，則僅有單..

When analyzing the relationship between regime type and the possibility of militarized interstate conflict, an interdisciplinary dialogue between the fields of comparative politics and international relations is vitally demanded, especially when stepping into the further area of democratic peace, “dictatorial peace." In 2002, Mark Peceny, Caroline Beer, and Shannon Sanchez-Terry concluded that a lower conflict possibility does exist among non-democratic regimes. Moreover, after classifying non-democracies into three categories, t..

日本民主黨於 2009 年的眾議院選舉中擊敗執政的自由民主黨，黨魁鳩山由紀夫於 9 月 16 日成為日本首相。由於民主黨在參議院未過半，為了維持國會穩定運作，鳩山首相選擇與社會民主黨、國民新黨組成聯合內閣。 不過鳩山政權內部不斷出現閣員之間的對立，而鳩山首相始終無法處理這些政府決策過程之中所發生的混亂，學者與主要媒體多認為，發生混亂的原因是在於鳩山本人的領導能力不足。不過本論文認為，導致鳩山政權內部的混亂主因是民主黨建構的決策運作模式本..

Yukio Hatoyama, the chairman of the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ), succeeded to the Prime Minister of Japan on 16 September 2009 after DPJ won the 2009 Japanese general election. In the election, DPJ acquired 308 out of a total of 480 seats in the House of Representatives of Japan, while the Liberal Democratic Party(LDP), the former ruling party only acquired 119 seats. However, Hatoyama was thus forced to form a coalition government with the Social Democratic Party and the People’s New Party in response to a situatio..

政黨輪替是當代民主政治發展的重要條件。日本的民主政治雖然在戰後新憲法公布後即開始進行，但自 1955 年起便形成自民黨一黨獨大的政治體制。這是因為，日本戰後的政黨輪替思維，受限於國內政治、經濟、社會與政黨條件等國內外環境的影響，使其無法在民主政治發展過程中具體展現。冷戰結束後政經情勢的轉變，讓日本的政黨輪替思維獲得解放，也促成了日本民主黨的成立與發展。本文主旨是藉由民主理論與近代日本政治發展觀點，思考政黨輪替思維在日本的演變歷程，並以日本民主黨的成立背景、組..

Party alternation is an important condition for the development of modern democracy. Although the Japanese democracy after World War II proceeded from the enforcement of the new constitution, LDP dominated the Japanese politics since 1955. The party alternation thinking in Japan was limited by the situations of domestic and international environment such as politics, economics, society and parties. The end of the Cold War liberated the party alternation thinking in Japan, and led to the formation and development of DPJ. This ..