王金平黨籍訴訟案同時凸顯出國家管制(司法審查)/政黨自主的界限問題、政黨自主/個人自由的界限問題，以及黨內民主原則的適用範圍問題等。本文參考有限度審查說、司法審查基準理論、外國政黨法、國內外相關司法判決，對前述問題得出下列結論: 第一，為能具體釐清政黨自主及司法審查之界限，筆者建立三階段之審查基準。依序審視:政黨在程序方面之規定及運作，是否違反國家法律規定及民主原則，致使黨員權利受到不合法之侵害，或受到少數人之打壓?政黨在實體方面之規定..

The lawsuit of Wang Jin-pyng’s party membership has exposed problems concerning the boundary between state regulation ( judicial review)and party autonomy, between party autonomy and individual freedom, as well as the scope of application of the principle of inner-party democracy. Based on the “theory of limited review”, the standards of review, party laws of foreign countries, as well as related domestic and foreign judicial decisions, this study came to the following conclusions regarding the abovementione..

長期困擾菲律賓內部安定的菲律賓共產黨(菲共)，似乎是目前世界各恐怖組織的異數。因為菲共雖然面臨資源匱乏和策略工具失靈的困境，而數度瀕臨瓦解。不過，由於組織紀律嚴謹、戰略目標明確、意識形態完備加上能夠快速地調整形態，使得該組織仍得以續存迄今。 然而，就菲共的發展歷程、組織結構和治理經驗來觀察，可以發現如何汲取和運用社會資本似乎就成為菲共尋求生存發展的主要策略，因此社會資本與菲共的關聯性研究，也就成為本文亟待論證和剖析的命題所在。 ..

The Communist Party of the Philippines, CPP, has threatened domestic stability of the Philippines for a long time. CPP has been regarded as a deviant case of terrorist organizations in the world. Facing resource scarcity, strategic failure, and looming collapse, CPP retained unambiguous strategic targets, a strong ideology, and functioned under strict discipline. Its survival has been attributed to its efficient application of social capital. Thus, in this paper, we undertake an important task closely analyze CPP’s developmental proce..

選舉制度影響政黨體系，是廣為人知的因果推論。依此邏輯，若以政黨體系為因，以選舉制度的變化為果，即產生內生性的選制變遷理論。然而，某些研究者仍認為選制變革起於和政黨體系無關的外生因素。本文主張，選制變遷是否受到政黨體系的影響，取決於選制的種類。第一，有利大黨的多數決選制如果始終未出現一黨過半，則國會屬於多黨制，有可能因為小黨組成多數聯盟而改採比例性選制。尤其當現狀為並立式單一選區兩票制時，可能因為小黨的議席多來自政黨名單，而比代表區域主義的多數決選制更容易導致..

It is well known that electoral system shapes party system. By this logic, an endogenous explanation for changes in electoral systems should treat party system as the cause and changes as the consequence, in sharp contrast with theories attributing changes to exogenous factors that are irrelevant to party system. This paper argues that whether changes in electoral system are caused by party system depend on the type of the electoral system. First, if a majority party never emerges from a majoritarian electoral system, minor p..

本研究以為，兩岸關係的核心議題即為經濟合作擴溢到政治協議的爭 論，原因在於其涉及政黨認同、族群意識、國家認同、臺海安全，以及經濟 發展等各種複雜因素。鑑於經濟合作為當前臺灣兩岸關係進程的關鍵議題， 本研究以「新自由制度主義」(neo-liberal institutionalism)作為研究架構，分 析在 2010 年簽訂「海峽兩岸經濟合作架構協議」(Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement, ECFA)之後，臺灣民眾..

As far as cross-Strait relations are concerned, the core issue could be the argument about the spillover effects from economic cooperation toward political negotiations, because it closely relates to party identification, ethnic consciousness, national identity, cross-Strait security, and economic development. In light of the critical agenda of cross-Strait economic cooperation, this study employs neo-liberal institutionalism as the theoretical framework, and examines the impact of the Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement..

為什麼北韓與古巴的統治者可以經歷二十世紀末期的民主化與所謂「第三波民主」(Third Wave Democracy)的浪潮，化解內外壓力，屹立不搖?北韓與古巴的統治體系與制度運作有何特質，讓這兩國的統治者可以牢牢地鞏固政權，而且延續家族的統治?北韓與古巴未來的政治轉型有哪些變數或面向值得注意?為探討這些問題，本文檢視若干政體分類的要點與問題，以及「顏色革命」、「茉莉花革命」的論述，採用文獻探討與訪談法，比較北韓與古巴的政治領袖與領導階層、黨國體系、意識形態、..

Why have North Korea and Cuba been able to resist pressure posed by democratization at the end of the twentieth century and the Third Wave Democracy? What are the systemic and institutional characteristics of the North Korean and Cuban ruling structures? How have the systems consolidated political power for the ruling families and the ruling class? The author explores the aforementioned questions via documentary analyses and interviews. The author highlights similarities and differences between the two non-democratic and hybr..