克赤海峽為連接黑海與亞速海(Sea of Azov)的唯一通道，海峽通行權不管是對俄羅斯或烏克蘭或第三國都不曾發生重大問題，隨著2014年俄羅斯兼併克里米亞半島，2015年俄羅斯重啟克里米亞大橋建設後才衍生出通行權問題。然反觀臺灣海峽為連接東海與南海的海上交通要道，近來每當美國及他國軍艦通過臺灣海峽時，中國大陸軍艦即尾隨或驅離，對海峽通行權造成若干程度的影響，也提高了發生擦槍走火的可能性。2018年11月25日克赤海峽所發生的衝突事件對臺灣海峽通行權問題的啟..

The Kerch Strait connecting the Sea of Azov to the Black Sea is the only route in and out of the Sea of Azov. Passages through the strait had been free of major issues until 2014 when Russia occupied Crimea, pushing out Ukraine; thereby controlling both sides of the strait and began quickly constructing a bridge spanning the strait. In East Asia, there is the Taiwan Strait that connects the East China Sea to the South China Sea. Unlike the Kerch Strait, the Strait of Taiwan is a significant international sea route. Recently U..

自1990年代後，對外援助自傳統經濟援助逐漸轉變為建立國際合作發展之夥伴關係，惟在國際關係領域中尚未形成國際合作之完整理論體系。本研究以實證方式將我國援外計畫之成果與國際關係理論與實務進行對話與論證。   本研究透過自編結構式問卷與糧食不安全題組(Household Food Insecurity Access Scale, HFIAS)進行橫斷式調查，並採用準實驗設計(Quasi- Experimental Design)方法，分析我國援外計畫介入之成效。本研..

Since the 1990s, foreign aid has gradually transformed from traditional economic aid to the concept of international cooperation and development. However, a complete theoretical system of international cooperation has not yet been formed in the field of international relations. This study is based on scientific positivist perspectives to connect the theory and practice of international cooperation.   The results show that irrigation conditions is the major factor for the yield per unit area of rice cultivation. Similarly, the r..

本文探討半總統制下的立法課責，以臺灣與法國為個案進行比較研究。「立法課責」指如何讓立法者(集體或個別)的所作所為能為利害關係人知道，而據以獎懲。過去比較臺、法的研究發現，總理總統制的法國，國會的運作型態較偏內閣制;總統議會制的臺灣，運作則較偏總統制，因而在傳統印象上，多會認為法國會較重視以政黨為對象的集體課責，臺灣則可能較偏重以候選人或立委為對象的個別課責。   本文乃透過制度規範上對選舉前與選舉後的資訊公開要求，比較臺灣與法國在集體課責與個別課..

This paper explores the legislative accountability under semi- presidentialism and uses the case study approach to compare Taiwan with France. “Legislative accountability” refers to how the actions of legislators (collectively or individually) can be known to interested parties, and how rewards and punishments can be used accordingly. The literature comparing Taiwan and France in the past found that the parliamentary operation of the French premier-presidential system is most similar to a cabinet system; whereas Taiwan’s p..

自我國與美國斷交後，過去40年來，美國政府對臺軍售始終為美國作為兩岸關係第三方影響的重要課題，亦為在兩岸間「衝突預防」的政策工具。美國對於臺灣的安全承諾，長期擺盪在安全利益與民主聲譽之間，亦根源於行政部門和國會之間的立場分野。有別於過去的分析途徑，本文從外交政策分析(FPA)的理論視角切入，以總統決策機制為分析單元，討論美國總統在對臺軍售決策機制中究竟扮演的關鍵角色，以總統任期、領導人安全觀及府會結構三項解釋變數，檢視歷屆美國總統對於公布軍售和..

Since the United States switched diplomatic recognition from Taipei to Beijing, the U.S arms sales to Taiwan have been a critical issue affecting the Cross-Strait relations for the past 40 years. In order to preserve stability in the Taiwan Strait, maintaining sufficient self-defense capability for Taiwan has been the major goal of the United States. However, the U.S security commitment to Taiwan has long been fluctuating between security interests and democratic reputation. It also depends on the stance of the executive bran..

2011年3月11日，日本規模9.0地震所引發的海嘯，導致福島核電廠出現爐心燃料熔損及放射物質外釋的緊急狀態。福島核災後，媒體大篇幅的報導，引發了國人對核電安全的普遍關注，也激起國人對國家整體核電政策的關心。為了解福島核災後，新聞媒體使用哪些框架再現核電議題? 這些媒體框架是否因報別的不同而有所差異?福島核災後新聞媒體報導凸顯了哪些人的觀點?這些人所呈現的立場與價值為何?有何差異?以及福島核災後新聞媒體的報導呈現何種趨勢?在媒體框架和價值觀點上是否有所變化?..

This study aims to explore how newspapers represents the nuclear power issue in Taiwan after the Fukushima Event, a catastrophic failure at the Fukushima I Nuclear Power Plant on 11 March 2011. The Fukushima Event has significant implications on both energy policy and anti-nuclear campaign in Taiwan. It also draws the attention of media coverage and has great impact on how media frame the Fourth Nuclear Power Plant dispute in Taiwan. The analysis of media frames and values within ongoing nuclear power policy debates not only ..