本文探討台灣國際政治經濟學領域自2010年至2021年之間的發展情況。針對國內的TSSCI期刊、科技部計畫、學位論文和專書之中與國際政治經濟學相關研究者進行資料蒐集，並藉由描述性統計方法呈現研究議題與研究方法的分布情況。除此之外，本文亦比較國內國際政治經濟學研究成果與美國國際政治經濟學會年會文章在研究議題與研究方法上的差異。本研究分析顯示，國內國際政治經濟學研究與美國國際政治經濟學會年會文章同樣關注議題為國際貿易、國際貨幣與金融和經濟投資與援助。然而相較之下，國內研究較缺乏人口遷徙、全球..

This paper attempts to provide an overview of Taiwan's International Political Economy (IPE) studies from 2010-2021. We collect the data from Taiwanese academic materials, including Taiwan Social Sciences Citation Index (TSSCI) journals, Ministry of Science and Technology projects, theses and dissertations, and scholarly books. We rely on descriptive statistics analysis to present the distribution of research subjects and methods in each academic material. In addition, we also compare the analytical results of Taiwanese IPE studies with..

二十一世紀以來的國際發展援助議程益加強調援助有效性，如何確立援助過程中最後階段—政策到發展結果—的有效性，則與2015年 2019年與2021年諾貝爾經濟學獎得主，使用個體資料、應用因果推論方法、進行反事實分析緊密相關。本文回顧援助有效性的背景，介紹反事實分析的邏輯、方法，並透過訪談與文獻分析，檢視臺灣目前政府開發援助中，已獲學術期刊審查刊登的反事實分析案例，包括國際合作發展基金會在南太平洋島國吉里巴斯與馬紹爾群島的園藝計畫以及海地之糧食安全計畫。本文發現上述案例..

Since the beginning of the twenty-first century, the international development agendas have put more emphases on aid effectiveness. How to ensure the effectiveness from policies to development outcomes, the last stage of the aid process, is closely related to counterfactual analyses using micro-level data and causal inference techniques, recognized by Nobel Memorial Prizes in economics in 2015, 2019, and 2021. This paper reviews the background of aid effectiveness, introduces the logic and techniques of counterfactual analyses commonly used..

本文提出雙重政商關係的理論架構以探討中國因素對臺灣媒體自我審查的影響力消長。本文主張:臺灣媒體實施外導型自我審查的程度，取決 於其跨海峽政商關係與在地政商關係的相對強度。針對旺中集團與三立集團的比較個案研究發現:當某臺灣媒體的跨海峽政商關係比在地政商關係更加強化時，該媒體便會採取或增加外導型自我審查;而當其在地政商關係比跨海峽政商關係更加強化時，則會減少或取消外導型自我審查。本研究結果有助於了解中國因素影響力消長的條件、補充現有研究對於媒體自我審查增減的解釋..

This article provides a theoretical framework of dual government-business relations to explore the rise and decline of China’s influence on Taiwanese media’s self-censorship. It argues that the extent to which a Taiwanese media firm conducts external-induced self-censorship under Beijing’s influence hinges on the relative strength between its local and cross-strait government- business relations. The comparative case study of the Want Want-China Times Media Group and the Sanlih E-Television Group indicates t..

臺灣是事實上的(de facto)獨立國家，然而其法理上的(de jure)獨立地位在中國打壓之下並不被國際廣泛承認。長久以來，臺灣藉由援助邦交國來換取外交承認，形成「建交導向」的援外政策;然而過去十多年來，在論述上、制度上和實踐上出現一系列改革，呼應美歐澳日等理念相近國家的價值，也就是經濟合作發展組織(Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development)的國際援助典則。本文主張這是從「建交導向」延伸..

Taiwan is a de facto independent country, but its de jure independence status is not widely recognized by the international society under the suppression of China. In the past, Taiwan used aid to exchange diplomatic recognition from its aid recipient countries, forming an “aid for diplomacy” aid policy. However, since the late 2000s, Taiwan’s aid policy has undergone a series of reforms regarding discourses, legal frameworks, and practices. Such reform applied the international aid regime established by like..

主流國際關係學者認為，美國在冷戰時期尊重英國在新加坡的殖民地位，故不干涉英國內政，也不介入獨立前新加坡的政治。此外，由於李光耀的反共形象，學者亦少質疑他與美國的友誼；而族群與意識形態接近的台灣，也常被認為與李光耀交好。本文以檔案與國際關係文獻為核心，回顧1950年代李光耀與英國、美國及台灣之間的關係，尋找李光耀不同的面貌。 本文發現李光耀因其行為親北京，使英國與美國產生很大的爭辯，導致美國介入新加坡政治，迥異於主流學者的認知。身為殖民主的英國熟悉新加坡的華人認同政治，認為李光耀是機會..

Many scholars concur US acceptance of Britain’s colonial policies during the Cold War, and therefore rarely study the phenomenon of American intervention in British internal affairs especially with regard to pre-independence Singapore politics. Moreover, because of popular perceptions of Lee Kuan Yew's anti-communist stance, scholars seldom question his relationship with Washington. Taiwan, due to its ethnic and ideological proximity with Singapore, was also widely believed to be friendly towards Lee. Using archival research, this..