近年來層出不窮的天然巨災嚴重挑戰了國家的緊急災害治理能力，這也使得學界與政策社群開始高度關切國際災害治理或跨部門災害治理模式的研究。不過，相關知識生產方式大多以政策報告或技術報告呈現，較少側重於理論化的探討。就此，本文將以國際救災與減災社群的建構與協作過程為關懷，試圖理論化國際介入、國家回應與公民參與之間的協力連結，並且類型化國際、國家與地方行為者的共同治理模式。同時，藉由回顧東日本大地震的國際救災經驗，本文亦將進一步分析全球災害救援與減災網絡的機會與限制。..

Natural disastrous hazards occurred frequently in recent years, seriously challenging the state capacity of emergency governance. Accordingly, attention has been attracted to the study of disaster governance with specific focus on modalities of inter-state and inter-sectoral cooperation. Though there are piles of policy reports and technique reports concerning disaster governance, only few of them are with theoretical features. This article is aimed at theorizing the construction and collaboration of international relief and ..

在各種跨國公民社會的組織活動.跨國議題倡議網絡 ( transnational advocacy network, TAN )是近年來常見、且最為學界所知的組織形態。TAN乃源於民間，由民間人士基於主動的認知與共同的理念，結合各界力量所形成的跨國壓力團體。近年 TAN 作法推陳出新，且發展出有別與以往的跨國認證網絡。 跨國認詮網絡係指以標章為工具，將標章賦予道德規範的內涵，藉以推廣其理念的新型TAN。現有認證網絡者，涵蓋有機農業、公平貿易、森林保育、道德貿易等議題。本研究分析跨國..

The theory of transnational advocacy network, developed by Keck and Sikknink in 1998 has been one of the most in-depth and systematic concepts providing insights to the myths of transnational civil societies. The TAN theory depicts how the TAN, originated and led by civil groups, attracts supporters across border lines to collectively pressurize certain target government against improper policies or behaviours. The introduction of the TAN theory has been enormously influential within the transnational level of analysis in IR studies, formin..

韓國財閥如現代、三星、LG，目前已是全球知名企業。他們的崛起與韓國政府的強烈支持有重大關係：政府支持財閥，分擔其投資分險、給予寡、獨占市場控制;財閥則回報政府以提供就業機會、賺取外匯、促進經濟成長。然而在此光明表象下，韓國政府與財閥間也有為人詬病的陰暗關係：政府官員收受財閥政治獻金及其他種種 「政治規費」，財閥則被回報以財經措施上的優惠。而隨著政治民主化，政府遭受國民逐漸上升的監督，要求政府和財閥的透明關係，並控制富可敵國的財閥。然而財閥則因經濟自由化而日益壯大，不再受制於政府的管控。韓..

Korean conglomerates, or chaebols in Korean, such as Samsung, Hyundai, LG, are now familiar and global enterprises. However, the rising of chaebols was supported and often pushed by Korean government. For instance, government and chaebols shared investment risks and their aims to keep national market oligarchic or monopolistic, etc. Chaebols returned by creating employment opportunities， earning foreign exchanges, and driving economic development. But underneath the shining surface lies a dark and notorious side: for economic, financial, an..

2005 年 5 月和 6 月法國與荷蘭分別公投否決歐洲憲法後，制憲運動和歐洲統合頓時陷入危機，要等到 2007 年 1 月德國接任歐盟輪值主席國，同年 5 月法國總統大選結束後，歐盟 27 國領袖才在 6 月柏林高峰會上達成協議，召開政府間會議，10 月里斯本高峰會通過新約，然後於 12 月正式簽署。 2009 年 10 月 2 日愛爾蘭二次公投通過里斯本條約後，歐盟 27 國已完成里斯本條約的批准程序，僅待愛爾蘭、捷克、波蘭和德國將批准書存放至義大利外交..

The European integration as well as the EU Constitution-Building was in an impasse in the aftermath of the negative results of the French and Dutch referenda in mid 2005. It was not until the new German government under the leadership of Angela Merkel assumed the EU presidency in January 2007 and the French elected a new President in May of the same year that EU and its member states began working effectively to find a solution to put an end to this crisis. The Berlin European Council in June 2007 finally adopted the compromi..

本文以土耳其以外的三個行為者-美國、伊拉克、歐盟-作為解釋近年來土耳其政府與境內庫德族關係改變的主要因素。美國與伊拉克的衝突造成伊拉克境內庫德族處境艱難，卻造就伊拉克庫德族與美國政府站在同一陣線的機會，觸動到土耳其政府的敏感神經。相對於美國傳統的權力觀，歐盟對於其他國家的重塑力在土耳其與庫德族的關係演變中獲得了彰顯。在此錯綜複雜的多邊關係中，美國與伊拉克庫德族的共同利益以及歐盟與土耳其庫德族的共同利益交織出土耳其政府愈來愈有限的庫德族政策選項。 ..

This article looks into the changing relationship between the Turkish government and the Kurdish population within Turkey. In explaining changes in this relationship over the past twenty years, the roles of three external actors - the U.S., the Iraqi Kurds, and the EU - are brought into consideration. The Iraqi War prompted the U.S. government to have a cozy relationship with the Iraqi Kurds, a development that alarmed the Turkish government. In contrast with the conventional approach to power by the American government, the ..