美國在小布希與歐巴馬兩任政府主政時期，對馬來西亞的政策出現顯著差異。當前多數文獻以「雙邊─多邊」或「軍事─經濟」的兩組對照作為比較基礎，而本文在具體耙梳兩屆政府在美馬經貿與安全合作的政策異同之後，發現上述兩組對照分析模式有過於簡化之嫌，因此提出以外交取向的本質作為出發點，深入研究小布希與歐巴馬政府對馬政策的異同。以美馬反恐和南海議題上的合作為案例進行分析之後，本文發現小布希政府的對馬政策是功能取向的，因此著重對馬政策的工具性與利益界定，導致雙邊關係發展受限於..

Since the Obama administration initiated the “Rebalancing toward Asia” policy, development of US-Malaysia relationship has been one of the crucial topics. Many researchers have suggested that Obama’s policy toward Malaysia is more successful than that of Bush’s, and most works have followed the framework of “bilateralism vs. multilateralism” and “security- oriented vs. economy-oriented” to make a strategic comparison. This article examines such frameworks and argues that they ar..

東南亞國家協會(東協)於 2009 年成立東協政府間人權委員會，一反其 40 年來對聯合國倡議成立區域人權機制之漠視。究竟東協為何成立區域人權機構?現有的文獻已從理性論和觀念論兩種研究途徑探討過，但其解釋 力各有不足。本文仍從理性論的觀點出發，但不同於文獻所強調的東協集體理性，本文強調個別會員國的理性，因為以往文獻在分析層次的選擇上採取了較宏觀的視角，但結果卻是無法完全解釋東權會的成立。本文仍採用理性論的研究途徑，但補充以較微觀的視角，主張東協成立東權會是東..

The ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights (AICHR)was created in 2009 by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations(ASEAN), a move contrary to its ignoring of the United Nations’ forty-year advocacy. Why did ASEAN member states create the AICHR? A review of the literature found two types of arguments: rationalist and ideationalist, but neither of them is satisfactory enough to explain why the AICHR was created. This article adopts a rationalist perspective with the emphasis on ASEAN member states’ indi..

2015 年 7 月，希臘的公民投票以 61%的多數否決了歐盟的第三次紓困案，希臘主權債務危機再起。基於國際資金自 2010 年起已陸續處分希臘資產，其他歐債危機國家亦陸續走向經濟復甦的現實下，此次希臘債務危機對全球與歐盟經濟影響有限。希臘公投事件主要影響的是本國利益，公投為希臘換來更嚴格的紓困條件，反轉了復甦中的經濟成長，同時賠上了僅存的政府信譽與國際信任。從希臘是歐債危機國家中唯一被紓困三次、債務減少一 半、獲得最多金援、五年來卻仍未有效控制危機等多項「..

The EU’s bailout package was vetoed by the Greek people in the referendum of July 2015. This unexpected outcome caused the recurrence of the Greek debt crisis. Since international investors have disposed their holdings on Greek assets and other crisis countries in the eurozone have been recovering from the European sovereign debt crisis, the Greek event had limited impact on the world and EU economies this time. What this referendum event has affected most was its own national interests. It not only resulted in stricter..

本文的目的在於探討蜜月期選舉時程如何在半總統制下，對前三大政黨在國會選舉時的表現，產生不同於在總統制下所產生的影響。本文認為，由於總統制與半總統制的權力分立程度不同，所以導引出來的蜜月期選舉效應也就相異。根據既有文獻可知，在總統制下，因為權力完全分立，總統黨與第三黨在以具有比例性的選制所進行的蜜月期國會大選中會選得比較好，但本文認為這個效應無法類推到半總統制國家。在半總統制下，因為權力只有部分分立，國會大選是行政權選舉的第二階段，所以即便在蜜月期選舉時程中，..

This paper aims at exploring how semi-presidentialism differs from presidentialism in affecting electoral performance of three largest parties in honeymoon elections. This paper argues that different levels of power separation in presidentialism and semi-presidentialism explain why the effects of honeymoon elections vary. Many existent studies indicated that in presidential systems, with total power separation, the largest and the third largest parties would gain in honeymoon elections that used proportional electoral systems..

近年來層出不窮的天然巨災嚴重挑戰了國家的緊急災害治理能力，這也使得學界與政策社群開始高度關切國際災害治理或跨部門災害治理模式的研究。不過，相關知識生產方式大多以政策報告或技術報告呈現，較少側重於理論化的探討。就此，本文將以國際救災與減災社群的建構與協作過程為關懷，試圖理論化國際介入、國家回應與公民參與之間的協力連結，並且類型化國際、國家與地方行為者的共同治理模式。同時，藉由回顧東日本大地震的國際救災經驗，本文亦將進一步分析全球災害救援與減災網絡的機會與限制。..

Natural disastrous hazards occurred frequently in recent years, seriously challenging the state capacity of emergency governance. Accordingly, attention has been attracted to the study of disaster governance with specific focus on modalities of inter-state and inter-sectoral cooperation. Though there are piles of policy reports and technique reports concerning disaster governance, only few of them are with theoretical features. This article is aimed at theorizing the construction and collaboration of international relief and ..