在議會內閣制下，聯合政府內部的跨黨派委任關係帶來了代理問題，而許多學者也同意，政治制度是解決此一代理問題的重要關鍵。簡單的說，參與聯合政府的政黨 ，有充分的理由藉由不同的管理或者監督機制來避免可能的代理損失。本文首先針對聯合政府下代理問題的成因進行簡短討論，再透過相關的文獻回顧，檢視在共同治理的過程中，有哪些不同的制度可以被聯合政府內的政黨用來約束以及監督其執政夥伴的投機行為，以及這些制度的成效。最後，本文也針對此一文獻未來可能的發展方向，提出簡單的幾個建議。

While delegating policymaking power across party lines can create the principal-agent problem in multiparty governments, scholars widely acknowledge that political institutions are crucial in mitigating this issue. To avoid potential agency loss, parties in multiparty governments may employ various control mechanisms to keep tabs on their ruling partners. This paper begins by briefly discussing the causes of the delegation problem in multiparty governments. We then provide a systematic review of the current literature to demonstrate the ins..

二十一世紀以來的國際發展援助議程益加強調援助有效性，如何確立援助過程中最後階段—政策到發展結果—的有效性，則與2015年 2019年與2021年諾貝爾經濟學獎得主，使用個體資料、應用因果推論方法、進行反事實分析緊密相關。本文回顧援助有效性的背景，介紹反事實分析的邏輯、方法，並透過訪談與文獻分析，檢視臺灣目前政府開發援助中，已獲學術期刊審查刊登的反事實分析案例，包括國際合作發展基金會在南太平洋島國吉里巴斯與馬紹爾群島的園藝計畫以及海地之糧食安全計畫。本文發現上述案例..

Since the beginning of the twenty-first century, the international development agendas have put more emphases on aid effectiveness. How to ensure the effectiveness from policies to development outcomes, the last stage of the aid process, is closely related to counterfactual analyses using micro-level data and causal inference techniques, recognized by Nobel Memorial Prizes in economics in 2015, 2019, and 2021. This paper reviews the background of aid effectiveness, introduces the logic and techniques of counterfactual analyses commonly used..

二次世界大戰後，隨著全球事務的複雜化，跨國經濟活動、新科技與網路的發達，加遽了人與人之間的交流與互動，也使得國際間的相互依賴愈來愈加深與頻繁，從而大幅改變國際關係之面貌，致使國與國之間的界線也變得模糊。非政府組織的興起意味著傳統以「國家為國際事務主要成員」的觀點受到質疑與挑戰，當各國治理範疇逐步縮減時，非政府組織卻開始填補了政府在國際活動方面的空缺，在國際社會中快速擴張，因此，在進行國際援助時，若非政府組織與政府之間如能相互協力，應比其中任何一方單打獨鬥更能..

After World War II, with the complexity of international affairs, cross border economic activities, new technology and the internet contributed to the increase of human interaction. This also increases the interdependence between countries, as well as the changes in international relationships made the borders among countries more and more vague. The rise of Non- Government Organizations (NGOs) indicated that the concept of “nations as the main player in international affairs” is being challenged. NGOs gradually t..

拉丁美洲許多國家在第三波民主化浪潮中歷經政體轉型，在比較政治學界中為一重要的研究課題。有別於既有文獻從總體層次、或是國際層次的因素來探討政體變遷，本論文主張跨國人權非政府組織網絡對於民主轉型具有重要的促進效果。本研究以拉丁美洲18個威權體制(1969∼1995) 的資料為基礎，運用量化方法對於上述主張進行系統性的驗證。本研究的實證分析顯示，在其他條件不變的情況下，一個威權國家若有愈密集的跨國人權非政府組織動員網絡，則該國愈有可能歷經民主轉型。綜合而言，本論文的創新之處在於透過嚴謹..

The regime change of many Latin American countries under the Third Wave of democratization has been a crucial topic in the field of comparative politics. Unlike previous literature that examines how democratic transition is shaped by macro-level or international-level factors, this study argues that transnational human rights NGOs networks play a significant factor in promoting democratic transition. Using data of 18 authoritarian regimes in Latin America between 1969 and 1995, the quantitative analysis demonstrates that a higher level of t..

就非政府組織的「運作規模」而言，可將其分為「國際」與「在地」的非政府組織。面對緬甸相關問題，儘管國際非政府組織擁有專業與資源上的優勢，卻也有無能為力之時，必須搭配在地非政府組織的力量，甚至形成合作關係，方能更有效率地完成任務。有鑑於在地非政府組織對緬甸的重要性，本文由長期遭受緬甸政府忽視的「少數民族偏鄉發展」議題切入，並以「湄他發展基金會」、「沙龍基金會」與「人民亮光」等從事「克欽族」援助起家的在地非政府組織為例，詳述在地非政府組織與緬甸克欽族的互動情形，及..

The “scale of operations” of non-governmental organizations can be divided into either “international” or “domestic.” When dealing with problems in Myanmar, although international non-governmental organizations may hold advantages due to their professionalism and available resources; however, there are still situations where they may feel helpless and will need to rely on the help of other domestic non-governmental organizations or even form a collaborative alliance with them to carry out t..