2021年5月5日，歐盟執委會公佈了一份規則草案，旨在解決外國補貼對內部市場造成扭曲之問題，以確保歐盟市場公平競爭之環境。該項草案創建全新之工具，俾利執委會審查非歐盟國家對於位在歐盟境內從事商業活動之企業所提供之補貼。尤其是執委會得主動進行調查，並要求將相關事業之併購案通知執委會。在實務上將面臨之問題乃是新制如何適當融入歐盟現行法律制度與監管環境。新工具之實施得暫停甚至否決大型併購案，並進一步賦予執委會極大之裁量權，以解決在任何市場情況下外國補貼造成內部市場扭曲之問題。不過也由於執委會擁..

On 5 May 2021, the European Commission published its proposed Regulation to address potential distortive effects of foreign subsidies in the Internal Market, with the aim of ensuring a level playing field for all market players within the EU. The proposal creates a new instrument to allow the Commission scrutinize subsidies granted by non-EU countries to undertakings active in the EU. Specifically, the Commission will be able to conduct investigations on its own initiative and relevant mergers will have to be notified to the Commission. One..

隨著近年「印太」成為國際關係與外交研究的重要詞彙，歐盟於2021年4月首次提出「印太戰略」，並特別強調與東協在印太區域合作的重要性。事實上，歐盟自2010年代以來受到全球經濟重心東移、亞洲地緣政治競爭激烈等結構性因素影響，已加速與東協的「第三波區域間主義（Third Interregionalism）」發展；除與東協國家洽簽經濟協定，並於2020年底將原有與東協的對話夥伴關係升級為戰略夥伴關係。本文主張歐盟透過與東協國家洽簽經濟協定以增強其「印太戰略」的效力，而雙邊升級的關係不但強化東協..

Indo-Pacific strategies have become salient in international relations and diplomatic studies. In April 2021, the European Union (EU) for the first time declared its own Indo-Pacific strategy and emphasized the importance of cooperation with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). In fact, global systemic factors such as the shift of economic power to Asia and the intense geopolitical rivalry in the region have galvanized the evolution of the Third Interregionalism between the EU and ASEAN. Other than economic agreements, both b..

政黨政治向來為研究憲政運作、民主深化的核心議題。過往的研究，多將政黨政治視為影響憲政與民主的自變項，但憲政特性以及民主轉型的過程，也可能系統性的影響政黨體系，對於政黨體系變遷的規模、機率，存在一定的關連性。基於此，本文以政黨體系變遷為依變數，從制度特性以及民主化背景來觀察政黨體系變遷的特性。核心假設有三：首先，就制度特性而言，直選總統的國家，比起議會內閣制的國家，政黨體系變遷的機率較高、規模較大；第二，以選舉時程而言，也是制度面向的因素，在直選總統的國家中，同時選舉或蜜月選舉，因為總統衣..

Party politics is an important issue to explain the constitutional work and consolidation of a democracy, and especially for newly democracies. If the party system would be affected by different types of constitutional systems and historical legacy, the party system should also be changed. We have three hypotheses: first, we suppose those countries with a directly elected president will have a higher probability for party system change. And the smaller parties are more likely out of parliament. Second, based on the coattail effect, countrie..

本文試圖深入分析私權威的概念，並評析近期學界對於自願性全球標準的研究成果。本文認為，私權威的概念能對全球治理研究提供兩項重要貢獻:首先，私權威的概念挑戰了強調國際無政府狀態的傳統觀點以及以國家為中心的研究途徑。其次，私權威的概念有助於研究者以行為者導向的途徑來解釋全球治理中的變異現象。以私權威的概念作為基礎，本文疏 理了自願性全球標準的發展情勢，並以氣候債券倡議組織作為關鍵個案，評析自願性全球標準的三個研究方向:自願性全球標準的形成、自願性全球標準在形式上的變異，以及自願性全球標準的成效..

This article examines the concept of private authority and the current studies of voluntary global standards. This article argues that the concept of private authority can contribute to the study of global governance in two ways. First, the concept of private authority challenges the traditional views of international anarchy and the state-center approach. Second, the concept of private authority provides the foundation for the actor-oriented approach to explain the variation in global governance. Based on the concept of private authority, ..

近年來，隨著歐盟和北約組織的東擴與俄國的再度興起，位處西方民主國家與俄國之間「地緣斷層線」上的中東歐國家對俄國「抗衡或扈從」 的議題又再度浮上檯面。相關文獻指出，中、小國家與大國之間的利益相似程度，是決定其對該大國選擇「抗衡或扈從」關係的關鍵前提條件，據此，本文探討在這個「地緣斷層線」上16個曾具有相似背景的前「東方集團」的中東歐國家與俄國之間在外交政策利益相似程度上的變化。以近年來在各國所發生的事件為基礎，本文發現，經濟危機和民主退化的問題， 在近年來開始威脅著這些中東歐國家的傳統政黨..

Due to the eastern expansion of EU and NATO and the resurgence of Russia under Putin’s leadership, how the Central and Eastern European fault line states chose between balancing and bandwagoning toward Russia has become a salient issue in contemporary international relations studies. This article investigates changes in the degree of policy similarity between 16 former “Eastern Bloc” Central and Eastern European States and Russia. The rationale for this study is that previous studies demonstrated that this issue is the key..