政黨政治向來為研究憲政運作、民主深化的核心議題。過往的研究，多將政黨政治視為影響憲政與民主的自變項，但憲政特性以及民主轉型的過程，也可能系統性的影響政黨體系，對於政黨體系變遷的規模、機率，存在一定的關連性。基於此，本文以政黨體系變遷為依變數，從制度特性以及民主化背景來觀察政黨體系變遷的特性。核心假設有三：首先，就制度特性而言，直選總統的國家，比起議會內閣制的國家，政黨體系變遷的機率較高、規模較大；第二，以選舉時程而言，也是制度面向的因素，在直選總統的國家中，同時選舉或蜜月選舉，因為總統衣..

Party politics is an important issue to explain the constitutional work and consolidation of a democracy, and especially for newly democracies. If the party system would be affected by different types of constitutional systems and historical legacy, the party system should also be changed. We have three hypotheses: first, we suppose those countries with a directly elected president will have a higher probability for party system change. And the smaller parties are more likely out of parliament. Second, based on the coattail effect, countrie..

自華盛頓共識以降，拉美國家落實新自由主義政策與結構調整，卻無力解決根深蒂固的貧窮與社會不均問題。進入後華盛頓共識時代，懸而未解的發展難題催促拉美國家繼續尋求替代發展的道路，並促成二十一世紀前十八年南美洲興起一波反新自由主義的左派政權，又稱「粉紅色浪潮」。這波趨勢的共同性在於:都試圖解決獨尊市場經濟遺留的社會不公與貧窮問題，並尋求一個兼顧經濟成長與更合理社會分配的替代發展方案。 事實上，拉美替代發展方案經常是「價值理性」取向的，政治領袖又深..

In the post-Washington Consensus era, the pending social inequality and poverty have pushed South American New Left governments to seek “alternative developments” in the dawn of the 21st century, which is the so-called “Pink tide.” These governments’ motive is to seek an alternative development plan to address the social injustice and poverty left by market economy under the neoliberal model. In fact, the common feature of this alternative development trend is characterized by a strong..

自從 1962 年便落入軍事威權統治的緬甸，在 2010 年 11 月 7 日舉行自 1990 年以來首次的聯邦與地方議會大選，並在 2011 年 3 月 30 日隨著新總統登盛的宣誓就職，而從軍政府正式轉型至文人政府。此後登盛政府進行了一系列改革措施，頗令人耳目一新。本文主旨在解讀緬甸自 1948 年獨立以來的政治發展，並將 2011 年以降的政治改革放在威權政體尋求政治正當性的歷史脈絡中來觀察，而認為當軍政府的國內正當性鞏固工程在本世紀初面臨因經濟困境所..

The Burmese military has been successful in maintaining its authoritarian rule in the past decades. In 2011, however, the junta shifted its power to the civilian government despite the absence of inside or outside political pressure . Since then, the new government has introduced many reforms that allow greater political liberty in Burma. This paper locates the junta’s power shift as part of a wider process of the military consolidating political legitimacy. It argues that as the junta’s power consolidation reache..

當歐洲聯盟完成 2004 年和 2007 年東擴以後，烏克蘭、白俄羅斯與摩爾多瓦三國成為歐盟與俄羅斯權力競爭的緩衝地帶，此三國外交政策偏好與未來可能走向對歐洲地區未來整合具重要意義。從對外政策制訂過程來看，一國外交政策選擇除受外部環境影響外，內部改革因素不容忽視，尤其歐盟於後冷戰時期推動之擴張政策對周邊國家產生極為深遠之影響。基於此，本文將採取社會穩定、民主化與經濟依賴三要素做為分析架構，以社會穩定與否、民主化程度高低、對外經濟依賴程度三變項理解此三國外交政..

Belarus, Moldova, and Ukraine occupy the focal point of political development in the European continent after the end of Cold War when European Union completed its eastern enlargement. The author argues that social stability, democratization and economic dependency are three major factors influencing Belarus, Moldova, and Ukraine’s foreign policy choices. First, the more stable social order within the country, the likelier government may foster a more unified foreign policy. Second, the more democratic political process..

作為德國歷史上的第一個民主政體─威瑪共和從誕生開始就是一個「生病的民主」，也是一個「沒有民主人的民主」。威瑪憲法的制定者除了架構起所謂的「程序性民主」之外，同時更在議會制的基礎上賦予民選的總統強大的權力─半總統制，加上欠缺民主文化，以及存在著反體制的政黨，致令威瑪憲法像是特洛伊木馬。最後在議會政治失敗的亂局中，希特勒(Adolf Hitler)率領納粹黨徒從木馬中一躍而出，用原本是保護民主的權力將民主政體合法地謀殺掉。 二戰後的聯邦德國..

As the first democracy in German history, the Weimar Republic was “a sick democracy”, and “a democracy without democrats” ever since it was born. The composers of the Weimar Constitution not only constructed a so-called “procedural democracy”, but also gave the extreme power to the people-elected president – semi-presidentialism – based on the foundation of parliamentary system. Furthermore, accompanied with a political climate that lacked democratic culture and existing parties..