歐洲歷經兩極體系瓦解與區域整合不斷推進的國際局勢，處在歐洲大陸的眾多國家各自發展出不同的安全策略、採取多種途徑保障本身國家安全，我們認為歐洲國家的安全策略選擇有其路徑可循，本文著重討論此種策略選擇的因素分析。在案例揀選上，本文特別著重歐洲中小型國家安全策略選擇，這主要是因為過去相當長的時間國際關係學多著重於大國安全研究，對中小型國家重視程度仍有待提升，因此本文擬從中小型國家著手，分析這一群國家安全策略選擇。 在安全策略選擇模式建立上，本..

The European continent has been free of great wars since the end of Cold War. This article assesses security studies in international relations by focusing on middle ground states’ strategic choices in relation to great powers. We argue that Small and Medium States(SMSs)widespread in Eastern Europe, Balkan Peninsula and South Caucasus have their strategic calculations in shaping their security choices. The article posits that the decision-making process of SMSs’ security policies rests upon differentiated and cros..

2015 年底，《公約》第 21 次締約方會議(巴黎會議)，經過為期兩週的談判之後，終於對全球氣候治理達成歷史性協議。《巴黎協議》被譽為是第一個真正的全球氣候協議，為 2020 年之後的全球溫室氣體減量工作提供明確規範。本文透過質性研究，就有關巴黎氣候談判的過程和巴黎協議的內容進行研究，以了解《巴黎協議》對全球氣候治理的意義和國際氣候談判的運作。本文研究發現，以自主減排取代一體適用的方式，以及歐盟、美國和中國這三大國際氣候強權的支持，是《巴黎協議》能夠順利完..

After two weeks of negotiation, the 2015 Paris Climate Conference (COP21)finally passed a new global climate agreement. The Paris Agreement(PA)is deemed as the first true global climate deal to date, principled upon policies to reduce Greenhouse gas emission after 2020. In order to understand meanings and effects of the COP21, as well as gaming of international climate negotiations, this paper adopts a qualitative research approach to analyze the processes of the COP21, and the contents of the PA. According to this research, ..

東南亞國家協會(東協)於 2009 年成立東協政府間人權委員會，一反其 40 年來對聯合國倡議成立區域人權機制之漠視。究竟東協為何成立區域人權機構?現有的文獻已從理性論和觀念論兩種研究途徑探討過，但其解釋 力各有不足。本文仍從理性論的觀點出發，但不同於文獻所強調的東協集體理性，本文強調個別會員國的理性，因為以往文獻在分析層次的選擇上採取了較宏觀的視角，但結果卻是無法完全解釋東權會的成立。本文仍採用理性論的研究途徑，但補充以較微觀的視角，主張東協成立東權會是東..

The ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights (AICHR)was created in 2009 by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations(ASEAN), a move contrary to its ignoring of the United Nations’ forty-year advocacy. Why did ASEAN member states create the AICHR? A review of the literature found two types of arguments: rationalist and ideationalist, but neither of them is satisfactory enough to explain why the AICHR was created. This article adopts a rationalist perspective with the emphasis on ASEAN member states’ indi..

2015 年 11 月，緬甸舉行國會大選，由翁山蘇姬領導的全國民主聯盟(全民聯)獲得壓倒性勝利。2016 年 3 月，由全民聯所提名的翁山蘇姬親信 碇喬(Htin Kyaw)，順利在國會總統選舉中獲勝，並於 3 月 30 日正式宣誓就任緬甸新總統。其後，碇喬總統向國會提出的 21 個部會首長名單，也獲得國會通過。本文將先從碇喬內閣完整名單探討新政府人事布局的若干特點，並對照新政府近日相關的種種政治作為與安排，分析其欲展現的政治目標，以及對緬甸與中美大國關係所..

In November 2015, the National League for Democracy(NLD), led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, won a landslide victory in the general elections. In March 2016, the NLD nominee U Htin Kyaw, a confidant and proxy of Suu Kyi, successfully won the presidential election in the Union parliament, and was inaugurated as president on March 30. On May 25, President Htin Kyaw announced the final list of 21 ministers to assume control of 22 ministries. This paper discusses the characteristics of personnel composition of Htin Kyaw’s cabinet..

日本政府分別於 2001 年與 2009 年兩度改革預算制度，都是在內閣層級設立新的組織，移轉部分預算編列權限到內閣，希望透過改變編列預算的方式，來提高首相與內閣領導力，並解決各省廳的本位問題。前者是在內閣府設立經財政諮詢會議，後者則是分別在內閣官房與內閣府設立國家戰略室與行政刷新會議。儘管小泉內閣時期，透過經濟財政諮詢會議改革原有的預算編列方式，也成功地刪減財政支出，以及民主黨執政初期，行政刷新會議做出刪減預算的決定，國家戰略室也有設定降低財政赤字的目標，..

The Japanese government reformed its budget institutions and budget processes in 2001 and 2009, establishing the Council on Economic and Fiscal Policy(CEFP)in 2001, and the National Strategy Office(NSO)and the Government Revitalization Unit(GRU)in 2009. By moving the Ministry of Finance’s budget formulation authority to the Cabinet, it was expected that these new institutions would facilitate the prime minister’s leadership. However, despite institutional changes, the budget formulation processes and the existing ..