搜尋結果 Search Result

搜尋結果 : 和" government"有關的資料, 共有69筆
緬甸在地非政府組織對少數民族的援助:以克欽族為例
The Assistance of Domestic NGOs to Minorities in Myanmar: A Case Study of the Kachin
司徒宇(Yu Szu-Tu)
57卷4期(2018/12/01)

就非政府組織的「運作規模」而言,可將其分為「國際」與「在地」的非政府組織。面對緬甸相關問題,儘管國際非政府組織擁有專業與資源上的優勢,卻也有無能為力之時,必須搭配在地非政府組織的力量,甚至形成合作關係,方能更有效率地完成任務。有鑑於在地非政府組織對緬甸的重要性,本文由長期遭受緬甸政府忽視的「少數民族偏鄉發展」議題切入,並以「湄他發展基金會」、「沙龍基金會」與「人民亮光」等從事「克欽族」援助起家的在地非政府組織為例,詳述在地非政府組織與緬甸克欽族的互動情形,及..

The “scale of operations” of non-governmental organizations can be divided into either “international” or “domestic.” When dealing with problems in Myanmar, although international non-governmental organizations may hold advantages due to their professionalism and available resources; however, there are still situations where they may feel helpless and will need to rely on the help of other domestic non-governmental organizations or even form a collaborative alliance with them to carry out t..

無科技的工業化:印尼汽車產業發展之政治經濟分析
An Industry Without Industrialization: Political Economy of the Failure of Indonesia's Automotive Industry
戴萬平(Wan-Ping Tai)
55卷1期(2016/03/01)

相對於泰國與馬來西亞,印尼是東南亞最早發展汽車業的國家,也有內需市場支撐,但是印尼並沒有像泰國成為亞洲的底特律,也沒有如馬來西亞建立起國家汽車品牌,而成為「有市場無技術」的「無科技工業化」。本文以政治經濟學領域中的「制度分析」途徑,就國家干預、政商關係、跨國產業分工等三個角度分析印尼汽車產業失靈的原因。受限於印尼政治經濟的結構因素,本文發現印尼汽車產業失靈的原因在於:在產業發展時期國家的干預政策沒有「學習」與「管理」市場;本土資本未建立產業所需相對的供應鏈,..

With respect to Thailand and Malaysia, Indonesia was first in Southeast Asia to develop a automotive industry, supported by the domestic market. But Indonesia did not become the “Detroit of Asia” as Thailand, or establish national brands as Malaysia. On the contrary, Indonesia is a “huge market without technology,” an “Industry Without Industrialization.” This paper adopts an institutionalist approach with three aspects – state intervention, government-business relations, a..

加拿大公眾外交的實踐及其意義
The Canadian Practice on Public Diplomacy and Its Meanings
吳得源(Der-Yuan Wu)
54卷3期(2015/09/01)

相對於美國、中國大陸及許多主要大國從事「公眾外交」實踐及其理論化的中英文研究文獻汗牛充棟,中小型國家的經驗大致上較少受到關注。本論文假定加拿大在公眾外交實踐經驗有其特殊貢獻與研究價值,進而透過探索加拿大公眾外交的發展、歸納其所呈現的形態與內外連結特徵、分析其實踐優劣與挑戰來作印證。加拿大公眾外交的實踐可歸納出兩大主要特徵:一方面,其強調的是結合對外與對內雙重面向的溝通以及政府與人民雙向關係並重。其涉及的主要標的,並非局限於國外的民間團體、意見領袖與人民,也包..

While existing literature focuses primarily on the practices of public diplomacy(PD)of Great Powers, such as the United States and the People’s Republic of China, and much of PD’s conceptualization was often based on their experiences, less attention was paid to middle or small countries. It is assumed that the Canadian experience in this regard is insightful and deserves a systemic study. This paper explored the development of Canadian PD, generalized its patterns with an emphasis on its foreign-domestic linkage...

政府體制與蜜月期選舉效應
Government Structures and the Effects of Honeymoon Elections
李鳳玉(Feng-Yu Lee)
54卷3期(2015/09/01)

本文的目的在於探討蜜月期選舉時程如何在半總統制下,對前三大政黨在國會選舉時的表現,產生不同於在總統制下所產生的影響。本文認為,由於總統制與半總統制的權力分立程度不同,所以導引出來的蜜月期選舉效應也就相異。根據既有文獻可知,在總統制下,因為權力完全分立,總統黨與第三黨在以具有比例性的選制所進行的蜜月期國會大選中會選得比較好,但本文認為這個效應無法類推到半總統制國家。在半總統制下,因為權力只有部分分立,國會大選是行政權選舉的第二階段,所以即便在蜜月期選舉時程中,..

This paper aims at exploring how semi-presidentialism differs from presidentialism in affecting electoral performance of three largest parties in honeymoon elections. This paper argues that different levels of power separation in presidentialism and semi-presidentialism explain why the effects of honeymoon elections vary. Many existent studies indicated that in presidential systems, with total power separation, the largest and the third largest parties would gain in honeymoon elections that used proportional electoral systems..

top