激進年代學者指 1960 年代成長，而今已為耆老的知識分子。1960 年代適逢中國發生文化大革命，美國與歐洲同時爆發學潮，影響了一代學者的養成，其中不乏後來成為中國研究的專家，散布各地。本文選擇性的比較不同背景的激進年代學者，包括從捍衛中國共產主義革命到捍衛馬克思主義的美國學者馬思樂 (Maurice Meisner : 馬克思主義)、在文革前已蒞臨中國從戲曲研究轉為少數民族研究的澳洲學者馬克林 (Colin Mackerras :戲曲與少數民族)、從借用中國反抗美國帝國主義到全面反對政..

In this paper, the radical years refer to the late 1960s and the early 1970s China scholars going through the radical years in the early stage of their career witnessed both the anti-war student movements in their society and the Cultural Revolution in China. This paper selects five China scholars of the radical years to compare their strategy of adjustment in the aftermath of the Cultural Revolution and into the year of reform and openness in China. They include Maurice Meisner who used to take on China as a site to develop Marxism, Colin ..

雖然中國政府重申不會在國際壓力下改革人民幣匯率，但其終究在 2005 年 7 月 21 日改革人民幣匯率體制與水平，本文透過貨幣權力關係理論的途徑探討為什麼中國會改變人民幣匯率政策。本文論證了美國是國際貨幣權力關係中的強國，在貨幣權力理論中延遲的權力與轉移的權力上，確認了美國的貨幣權力高於中國，讓美國得以在此一國際貨幣權力關係中向中國施壓，使得中國在人民幣匯率政策上無法說不，而必須改變人民幣實施多年的固定匯率體制。但由於中國並非美國傳統上的盟邦且在軍事、安全..

Although the Chinese government has reiterated that the reform of Renminbi(RMB)exchange rate would not be influenced by international political pressure, it adjusted the exchange rate regime and level on July 21, 2005. The main purpose of the paper is trying to analyze why the Chinese government changed the exchange rate policy through international monetary power theory. The paper proved that the U.S. is a stronger power than China in the dimension of international liquidity, owned reserves, borrowing capacity, degree of ope..

針對漸行漸遠的兩岸關係，對岸近年推出一系列的惠台、交流政策，試圖強化兩岸民間互動，促進雙方和平統一。此類政策核心環節之一是兩岸的青年交流，自 2004 年以降，邀訪活動即不斷擴大規模，參與頗為熱絡，但此類政策能否發揮部分人士憂慮的政治影響，目前似未見系統的實證研究。 有鑒於此，作者乃透過深度訪談，搭配以問卷分析，探討此類交流接觸經驗，能否轉變參與者的政治認知及政治認同。根據作者研究發現，參與此類活動後，台灣青年既有的刻板印象，產生相當顯著的變化，但若觸及深層..

To break the stalemate of today’s cross-Strait relations, China has formulated a series of policies recently to promote cross-Strait exchanges and in the end to create pro-unification interests in Taiwan society. One of the key elements of these policies is hosting student teams from Taiwan for a short visit to China. Since the year 2004, these student teams have attracted thousands of Taiwan college students each year and through these teams, the students had first-hand contacts with the Mainland Chinese society. But t..

本文探究歐盟整合過程中出現的多樣性整合模式，並進而探討不同的整合模式對兩岸關係的適用性為何。依據「國家認同與定位的相關性」及「是否為領導或創始國」等兩項變數，本文區分出歐盟四種整合模式:德國模式對整合運動的承諾與支持度最高，其次為芬蘭模式與法國模式，英國模式則為最低。基於台灣與中國大陸政府對台灣主權存在爭議的現實，持願景路線的德國或法國模式均無法適用於兩岸關係的整合模式，兩岸整合前景最好的情況為芬蘭模式，最不理想為英國模式。模型化的結果因而可以解釋為何兩岸日..

This paper investigates the diverse approaches of EU members’ integration with the EU through modeling, and assesses the applicability of each model to the Taiwan-China relations. Building upon two variables – ‘the association with national identity and reorientation’, and ‘being the leading or founding member’ – four EU members’ integrative models stand out. The German model is proven to be the most integrationist, followed by the Finnish and the French models. The UK model app..

近代日本思想界總是企圖避免採用會凸顯日本的概念，一方面是對日本身在世界面前缺乏信心，二方面是身在亞洲面前會引發鄰國的猜忌。然而，在日本無法整合亞洲，但又對歐美強權追求和平的誠意與能力感到不足的時候，以日本作為一種有別於西方的和平主義身分，並不會引起亞洲的反彈或西方的排斥。本文以下刻意違反日本思想史習慣而提出的日本主義，其內涵是繞過亞洲，直接以日本作為世界性的國家，貢獻於世界性的形成，並以日本是世界上最有資格談和平與中立的民族，來反思西方、亞洲乃至於中國所代表..

Modern history of Japanese thought always avoids the notion of “Japan” as thinkers do not consider Japan a valid identity to be presented to the world led by European civilizations. If Japan were to participate, it could only participate with confidence in the name of Asia. However, this Asia approach resulted in notorious expansionist war in history. After Cold War was over, Japan’s equal partnership in the world alongside European countries has appeared certain. On the other hand, Europeanness has not achi..