本文探討法國印太戰略對歐盟與臺灣影響，認為法國的印太戰略在美 國與中國競逐的壓力下，採取了積極的策略，並影響歐盟印太合作戰略的 方向。法國的印太戰略以捍衛國家安全為核心，採取積極避險策略，一方 面希望提升法國在歐盟內部的影響力，另一方面則希望促進歐盟與印太國 家的經貿合作，幫助歐洲擺脫美國在烏克蘭危機上對歐洲的控制和主導。 法國的積極作為促使歐盟印太合作戰略增強與印太地區國家發展多邊關 係，並有助於將臺灣納入歐盟印太地區整體的安全與經濟合作框架中。

This article explores the impact of France’s Indo-Pacific strategy on the European Union and Taiwan. It argues that, under the pressure of competition between the United States and China, France has adopted a proactive strategy that influences the direction of the EU’s Indo-Pacific cooperation strategy. Centered on safeguarding national security, France takes an active hedging strategy on the Indo-Pacific region. On one hand, France seeks to enhance its influence within the EU; on the other hand, it aims to promote economic and ..

2021年5月5日，歐盟執委會公佈了一份規則草案，旨在解決外國補貼對內部市場造成扭曲之問題，以確保歐盟市場公平競爭之環境。該項草案創建全新之工具，俾利執委會審查非歐盟國家對於位在歐盟境內從事商業活動之企業所提供之補貼。尤其是執委會得主動進行調查，並要求將相關事業之併購案通知執委會。在實務上將面臨之問題乃是新制如何適當融入歐盟現行法律制度與監管環境。新工具之實施得暫停甚至否決大型併購案，並進一步賦予執委會極大之裁量權，以解決在任何市場情況下外國補貼造成內部市場扭曲之問題。不過也由於執委會擁..

On 5 May 2021, the European Commission published its proposed Regulation to address potential distortive effects of foreign subsidies in the Internal Market, with the aim of ensuring a level playing field for all market players within the EU. The proposal creates a new instrument to allow the Commission scrutinize subsidies granted by non-EU countries to undertakings active in the EU. Specifically, the Commission will be able to conduct investigations on its own initiative and relevant mergers will have to be notified to the Commission. One..

隨著近年「印太」成為國際關係與外交研究的重要詞彙，歐盟於2021年4月首次提出「印太戰略」，並特別強調與東協在印太區域合作的重要性。事實上，歐盟自2010年代以來受到全球經濟重心東移、亞洲地緣政治競爭激烈等結構性因素影響，已加速與東協的「第三波區域間主義（Third Interregionalism）」發展；除與東協國家洽簽經濟協定，並於2020年底將原有與東協的對話夥伴關係升級為戰略夥伴關係。本文主張歐盟透過與東協國家洽簽經濟協定以增強其「印太戰略」的效力，而雙邊升級的關係不但強化東協..

Indo-Pacific strategies have become salient in international relations and diplomatic studies. In April 2021, the European Union (EU) for the first time declared its own Indo-Pacific strategy and emphasized the importance of cooperation with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). In fact, global systemic factors such as the shift of economic power to Asia and the intense geopolitical rivalry in the region have galvanized the evolution of the Third Interregionalism between the EU and ASEAN. Other than economic agreements, both b..

歐盟在與第三國/區域簽訂貿易或投資協定時，因為其市場吸引力，而得以將帶有歐盟價值的規範性議程納入協定中，以實踐自身外交政策的目標。此「規範性權力(normative power)」論述在學界已有廣泛的討論。實務上，歐盟的規範性權力亦不斷透過各種不同的管道，在不同的地區和領域內發揮影響力。歐盟自2013年10月開始，與中國大陸進行全面投資協定(Comprehensive Agreement on Investment，簡稱CAI)談判，目前已完成了第35輪的談..

The European Union (EU) has well utilized its market attraction to bring European value based normative agenda into trade or investment agreement negotiations with third country/region, in order to achieve its own foreign policy objectives. This “normative power” theory has had wide discussion among academics. In practice, EU’s normative power has also continuously expanded its influence in different areas via various channels. Since October 2013, EU and China have begun the negotiations on the Comprehensive..

WTO爭端解決機制一向被譽為皇冠上之珍珠，如今上訴機構陷入停擺危機，反而成為皇冠上之荊棘。過去數年來，美國運用WTO所要求之共識，屢次反對上訴機構成員之選任案，尤其是川普政府上台後更加強杯葛之力道。根據爭端解決規則暨程序瞭解書之規定，上訴案件最少由三名成員審理並作成裁決。然而2019年12月10日之後，上訴機構已無法正常運作。長期以來美國對上訴機構提出許多批評，包括系統性、實質性與程序性問題;反之，許多WTO會員則急於補實懸缺，而疏於處理美國關切之事項。根據爭端解決規則暨程序瞭解書第3...

The dispute settlement system, often considered as the “crown jewel” of the WTO, is in a present crisis and becomes the crown of thorns. Over the past years, the United States through the use of the WTO’s consensus requirements has successfully blocked the launch of a process to select the Appellate Body members. This is carried forward by the Trump administration. With a Settlement of Disputes Understanding (DSU) requirement that appeals be heard by three AB members, with the AB membership down to zero at the present time..