本文旨在釐清學界對於「權力平衡狀態」與「權力平衡體系」的內涵混淆，透過對「權力平衡體系」進行嚴謹的定義，推進權力平衡理論的解釋力。 學界一直對「權力平衡」的理解有許多誤解與偏見，其中，誤將「狀態」等同於「體系」是最常見的問題。本文先回顧華爾茲（Kenneth Waltz）對於體系的界定，指出其中的不足之處，並借用建構主義溫特（Alexander Wendt）的理論來補充。描繪出我們對於權力平衡體系的文化、結構與邏輯等論點。 藉由對體系進行嚴謹的定義，不但使得「權力平衡狀態..

This article aims to clarify the confusion among academic circles about the connotations of “Balance of Power Situation” and “Balance of Power System” and to advance the explanatory power of BOP theory through a rigorous definition of “Balance of Power System.” There have always been many misunderstandings and deviations in “Balance of Power.” Mistaking “situation” with “system” is the most common problem. This article first reviews the definition of “system&r..

現有國際關係對於霸權的已有論述，大多試圖描述國際體系出現逐霸國家的原因，卻少有探索逐霸國家的行為策略，對於逐霸國家如何克服各種挑戰，組建層級霸權秩序，尚未提出具體的分析模型。本文擬填補逐霸理論空白，概念化逐霸國家行為，提出逐霸分析架構，觀察逐霸國家在逐霸過程中如何克服競逐資格，地位汰除，以及新層級秩序組建的三大挑戰。戰國時代秦國先後淘汰魏國、楚國與齊國等逐霸競爭對手的歷程，是本文的研究樣本。公元前356年秦孝公變法改革，秦國強固內部統治權威，運用內部權力成長途徑（Internal Pow..

Existing International Relations Studies’ arguments on the hegemony are mostly satisfied with describing the birth of hegemon in the international system, but rarely explored its behavior and strategies for obtaining the supreme status of hegemony. There is no specific research framework for exploring how the aspiring hegemon overcomes challenges and establishes a hierarchical hegemonic order in the international society. This paper intends to fill the theoretical gap of hegemony studies, conceptualizes aspiring hegemon’s behavi..

近年來，隨著歐盟和北約組織的東擴與俄國的再度興起，位處西方民主國家與俄國之間「地緣斷層線」上的中東歐國家對俄國「抗衡或扈從」 的議題又再度浮上檯面。相關文獻指出，中、小國家與大國之間的利益相似程度，是決定其對該大國選擇「抗衡或扈從」關係的關鍵前提條件，據此，本文探討在這個「地緣斷層線」上16個曾具有相似背景的前「東方集團」的中東歐國家與俄國之間在外交政策利益相似程度上的變化。以近年來在各國所發生的事件為基礎，本文發現，經濟危機和民主退化的問題， 在近年來開始威脅著這些中東歐國家的傳統政黨..

Due to the eastern expansion of EU and NATO and the resurgence of Russia under Putin’s leadership, how the Central and Eastern European fault line states chose between balancing and bandwagoning toward Russia has become a salient issue in contemporary international relations studies. This article investigates changes in the degree of policy similarity between 16 former “Eastern Bloc” Central and Eastern European States and Russia. The rationale for this study is that previous studies demonstrated that this issue is the key..

在食品安全暨衛生這個議題領域中，消費者、業者、政府是三個最主要的行為者(actors)。理論上，當此三個行為者的地位在市場上處於均衡狀態，就算彼此偏好(preferences)不同，食安品質仍得以維持一定水準。惟業者多半在實際上享有資訊優勢，並藉由此種優勢地位在市場交易過程中取得主導性影響，致使政府經常與其靠攏或是消費者受其宰制。有趣的是，臺灣因近幾年接續爆發各式各類食安醜聞，於是政府開始頻繁地修正食安法規並積極地介入市場進行管理。這使得上述三個行為者在食安..

Consumers, the food industry, and the government are the main actors in the area of food safety and the embedded domain of public health. Theoretically, only by balancing power among the three actors will desired food safety be maintained, even though the three actors have different preferences. Nevertheless, the industry frequently plays the leading role in the market because of its superiority in information possession. Thus, the government usually leans toward collaborating with the industry, leaveing consumers under indus..

蒙古位於亞洲內陸，夾處於中、俄兩大強國之間的戰略位置，使其曾長期被兩大強鄰視為領土的邊疆(frontier)。隨著 1991 年蘇聯瓦解，使近代蒙古第一次擁有完整主權。此後，蒙古的對外政策定調為「不結盟、等距離、全方位」，在「第三鄰國」戰略操作及地理條件基礎下，以平衡為原則，執行外交策略。誠然，蒙古如何在兩大強鄰之間求取平衡的生存之道，建構出獨立與靈活的外交及經貿空間，是蒙古確保國家安全的一大課題，也是本文的研究目的。  ..

Mongolia, with its strategic location between China and Russia in the inner Asia, is seen by its powerful neighbors for hundreds of years as a frontier. In 1991, modern Mongolia obtained complete sovereignty for the first time after the disruption of USSR, Hereafter, its foreign policy was principled upon “independence, non-alignment, multi-pillars”. Under the “third neighbor” strategy, Mongolia uses the opportunities endowed from its geography to balance neighboring threats, ensure its national securi..